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China China's Trojan Horses

Stealth Invasion: Red Chinese Maritime Operations in North America (2001)

[Editor: This is a summary of the author’s book which may be purchased for $5 at rogercan@pacbell.net. Stealth Invasion was one of the first works to warn of the rising of Red Chinese naval power and the vulnerability of the American homeland prior to 9/11/201. Today China flexes its muscles in the waters of its near neighbors, is building naval bases across the globe and making modest naval maneuvers in the Pacific, Indian Ocean, Gulf of Aden, and Meditereanean. Its worldwide maritime fleet and port access and operations, described in 2001, were the precursor to China’s emerging blue water navy. RBC. Fair Oaks, Janaury 2012. ]

INTRODUCTION by Richard Delgaudio (2001)

I first met Dr. Roger Canfield as the author of a comprehensive study of Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden, leaders of the New Left and cheerleaders of America’s enemies in Viet Nam. Since then Dr. Canfield and I have worked together on many conservative causes. Dr. Canfield is uncompromising on his principles and the truth. His research is always relentless and thorough. His writing clear and forceful.

In the last two years, Dr. Canfield has meticulously researched and written three eye-opening monographs on the subject of Red China’s war against the West: one the groundbreaking What Red China Got for Its Money (Why Did the People’s Republic of China Invest in the 1996 Reelection Campaign of President Bill Clinton?), China Traders (Assessing the Legacy of Clinton-Gore’s Appeasement Policy: U.S. National Security at Risk), and this publication. In addition, he co-authored with me the widely distributed book, China Doll: CIinton, Gore and the Selling of the U.S. Presidency (more than 700,000 in print).

This report sketches the high points of his truly original research into the nearly 100-ship presence of the merchant marine of the People’s Liberation Army – the China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO). Dr. Canfield has found this agent of Beijing active in all major seaports serving North America, including Los Angeles, Long Beach, Oakland; Portland Vancouver Seattle, Tacoma and Vancouver B.C., New Orleans, Houston, Miami, Charleston Norfolk, Baltimore, New York-New Jersey, Halifax, Nova Scotia, and Panama City, Panama. His exhaustive research of open public sources and previously released classified materials integrate Chinese and U.S. web pages, local business journals, government documents, local newspapers. Dr. Canfield has also visited several of these ports, in particular he was the co-host of the 2000 and 2001 missions to Panama with me, seeing firsthand how Red China has seized control of the strategic entrances and exits of the Panama Canal on both the Pacific and Atlantic Coasts

As a former U.S. Navy [petty] officer, Ph.D. political scientist, professor of international relations, longtime political and policy analyst and a grass roots organizer, Dr. Canfield has a realist’s view of the world. His intellect is sharpened by military and political experience.

After reading this report few will doubt that the presence of nearly 100 ships of Red China’s merchant marine and millions of unopened, uninspected containers entering America is a clear and present danger to American lives and property on our home shores. Most will also conclude that rather routine security measures – not the Draconian grab for power of Clinton Presidential Directives #62 (terrorism) and #63 (infrastructure protection) – will be sufficient to greatly reduce such risks without harming civil liberty.

Richard A. Delgaudio

Fairfax, Virginia

May 2001

 

Chapter 1

Red China’s ‘Trojan Horse’

It is less noticed than Red Chinese Generals sipping wine and eating tiny sandwiches in military exchanges at Harvard and at the Clinton White House. Though occurring in broad daylight and in morning fog every day of the year, it is a “stealth invasion” of America’s shores at every major American seaport on the West, Gulf, and East Coasts.

The invasion force is A fleet of Red Chinese ships, the merchant marine of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), delivering millions of cargo containers of unknown content into the strategic waters of the U.S. every year. The sloppy security that killed 17 and injured 39 sailors on board the U.S.S Cole is worse in U.S. homeports. Millions of Americans are today in harm’s way on their own soil.

Red Chinese vessels call unnoticed and uninspected. Usually the China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) and its shadow, the Orient Overseas Container Line (OOCL) follow the rules and fill out the paperwork. Instances of smuggling guns, drugs, technology, prostitutes, and labor are rare and seldom reported.

School children were once told the story of the wooden Trojan horse built by the Greeks to smuggle soldiers inside the walls of Troy. Today no one talks of the millions of sealed containers aboard Red Chinese ships, let alone their cross-continental distribution by railcar and truck trailer to every town in America. Only 2 percent are physically checked for contents. An occasional story of drugs or human cargo makes the news. The high vulnerability of U.S. seaports to espionage and terrorism is seldom suspected and virtually never investigated.

Exposing the COSCO Threat

As opponent of the China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) takeover of the Long Beach Naval Station, the U.S. Intelligence Council has long taken a particular interest in the security of U.S. seaports and home-ported Naval forces. The successful terror attack upon the U.S.S Cole has renewed USIC concerns – unfortunately in the blood of sailors and in the tears of families.

In 1997 Senator John McCain questioned the national security implications of awarding a $157 million contract between the China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) and a Mobile, Alabama, shipbuilder. Yet several federal authorities told Congress that “COSCO (the China Ocean Shipping Company) represents no threat to our national security.” Maritime Commission Chairman Harold J. Creel also denied any threat, but testified. that China the Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) engaged in bribes, kickbacks, and predatory pricing. “They are not profit-driven,” he said. “They want to have their flag and their name on their ships.”

Since COSCO is not driven by profits and is interested in flying the Red Chinese flag, it is clearly an agent of its master – The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) – and it is an everyday available instrument of the military objectives of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Indeed, the The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has forward deployed about 100 of its COSCO, the (China Ocean Shipping Company) into the waters of the U.S.A.

One of COSCO’s (the China Ocean Shipping Companie’s) potential threats is its commingling with U.S. Navy ships within the waterways and chokepoints of strategic U.S. seaports. Since men and women of the U.S.S Cole are dead and injured because of a mere rubber dinghy, it is prudent to watch the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) deployment of COSCO’s, the (China Ocean Shipping Companie’s) worldwide fleet of 600 vessels. It is rational and reasonable to improve security measures for vessels, facilities and citizens at American seaports where COSCO (the China Ocean Shipping Company) calls. Soon after the Cole disaster, Dateline found it easy to move vessels amidst U.S. warships.

Other Threads of Beijing’s Web

In addition to COSCO the (China Ocean Shipping Company), USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) recommends that U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agencies add the Beijing-dependent, Tung family-owned Orient Overseas Container Line (OOCL) to its watch list.

USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) also wishes to alert authorities of the presence of Beijing-tied Li Ka-shing enterprises in the waterways of Vancouver (BC)-Seattle-Tacoma where the U.S. Navy homeports major submarine and destroyer forces and one aircraft carrier. USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) also recommends heightened security in those ports where Chinese commercial vessels – both COSCO the (China Ocean Shipping Company) and OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) – commingle with the naval forces of the U.S. Navy, particularly in Seattle-Tacoma, Charleston, Norfolk, and Long Island Sound. USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) seeks measures to protect national security from COSCO the (China Ocean Shipping Company) and other PRC (People’s Republic of China) “front” companies such as Orient Overseas and Hutchison Whampoa.

 

Chapter 2

America’s Achilles Heel: Poor Port Security

The little advertised, but long-named federal commission – the Interagency Commission on Crime and Security at U.S. Seaports – in the fall of 2000 completed an obtuse report that ploddingly revealed shocking evidence of rampant crime, corruption, and sloth on security issues at major American seaports.

The Interagency Commission made on-site surveys of 12 seaports, of which seven – Charleston, Long Beach, Los Angeles, Miami, New Orleans, New York/New Jersey and Tacoma – interest U.S.IC (the United States Intelligence Community) because of COSCO’s the (China Ocean Shipping Companie’s) presence in those ports. In addition to these, this U.S.IC (the United States Intelligence Community) report covers seaports in Portland, Seattle, Vancouver, New Orleans, Houston, Savannah, Norfolk, Halifax, and Baltimore, where COSCO the (China Ocean Shipping Company) and often OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) offer shipping services.

After conducting its investigation, the commission reached the alarming conclusion that the state of security in this dozen major American seaports “ranges from poor to fair.”

An independent FBI study reached a similar conclusion, ranking the vulnerability of our top 12 seaports to terrorist attack as “high.” The Bureau’s report adds that “such an attack has the potential to cause significant damage.”

Indeed, only two percent of all trade cargo is physically inspected despite widespread evidence of inaccurate or misleading paperwork.

There is no excuse for this terrible lack of even the most rudimentary security precautions at the seaports and in waterways of the United States. This is a matter of great import to our nation’s security and economic interests and the failures of local and federal governments to have basic security safeguards in place are appalling.

Poor or fair security is unwarranted given the importance of seaports to our national security and economic vitality:

• The U.S. Navy, Marine, Army or Air Force has facilities within the five of the 12 ports surveyed by the Interagency Commission on Crime and Security at U.S. Seaports.

• Of the 13 seaports with additional obligations to be ready for a national military mobilization in a war or a crisis, the Interagency Commission studied four and found them all wanting in adequate security for a mobilization, lacking readiness exercises, and having incomplete vulnerability/threat assessments.

• Nine of 12 ports had “no waterside security measures” to protect from foreign vessels.

• Nine of 12 ports could be blocked at only one to three chokepoints.

• “… U.S. seaports have become critical chokepoints for future military mobilizations … [for overseas operations].”

Rampant Crime on Our Waterfronts

While concerns for espionage or terrorism at seaports goes unaddressed, knowledge of crime waves on America’s waterfronts has been known for perhaps a century. Massive underreported crime is known, but runs rampant on U.S. waterfronts.

Organized crime has little difficulty stealing cargoes or smuggling drugs or human beings. The Interagency Commission reported that organized crime is concealing drugs in cargoes at nine of the 12 ports it investigated. The Commission found that only three of 12 ports use modern technology to identify contraband or to verify shipments – in suspicious cases only.

Criminally organized alien smuggling is common on the West Coast. Alien stowaways were found in 10 of 12 ports. “Immigration has no way of knowing whether manifested crews actually leave on the ship they arrive on … or remain illegally in the United States.” The CIA reported that about 50,000 women and children are lured to America annually and forced to work as abused laborers, servants and prostitutes, according to the New York Times. Some had arrived from China in COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) containers.

These vulnerabilities to crime are well known and their implications for organized espionage and terrorism ought to be transparent. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police, in their long-suppressed “Sidewinder” report, reveal intimate ties between the Chinese Triads (gangs) and the Communist PRC (People’s Republic of China). Clearly, American ports are open to theft of technology and destruction of human life and property and vital infrastructures.

In contrast to these street crimes, there is near total silence and little apparent action to explore vulnerability to espionage – export of militarily valuable technology – or to terrorism.

Terrorism by the Shipload

Prior to the loss of 17 lives aboard a poorly secured U.S.S Cole, the FBI told the Interagency Commission that the vulnerability of U.S. seaports to terrorist attacks was high, but said the terrorist threat was low. In other words, attacks upon U,S. ports were entirely in the hands of America’s enemies who could choose the times and places of their attacks as long as our ports did nothing about their high vulnerability.

Eleven of 12 ports are located in urban areas where millions of innocent lives are in harm’s way and where vital infrastructures (ports, roads, rail, telecommunications, water, electricity) are vulnerable to attack. Nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons – with or without missiles – might be secreted among the millions of cargo containers delivered to American ports on Red Chinese ships. Typically, ports lack basic intelligence information about terrorist threats provided to others.

“Increasing awareness of security-related threats among port facilities … and expanding the availability of threat information … would do much to alleviate this problem …. The federal government should establish baseline vulnerability and threat assessment for terrorism at U.S. Seaports.”

The Interagency Commission said none of the dozen ports met “the minimum port security criteria.” Only a third had barriers to halt or slow down a terrorist driving through fences. Half had “nonsecure” communications. With the exception of lighting and gates in most ports, persons and vehicles had easy physical access to most ports. Foreign sailors and domestic workers roam freely. Except for paper forms, foreign cargo is handled no differently than cargo from Kansas. It is inspected alongside domestic cargo in every port.

Smuggling Out U. S. Technology

“Seaports are vulnerable to those trying to acquire … weapons, munitions, and critical technology [that] affect national security.” Federal inspectors working in remote locations spend more time behind computer terminals than on the docks. “The [Customs and Commerce] inspection and criminal investigation personnel … devoted to export transactions are only a small fraction of those devoted to imports ….” Shipper’s Export Documents, SEDs, delivered as late as four days after a ship leaves port typically contain inaccurate, vague, misleading or false information.

No wonder that over two years (1996-98) in the 12 ports, the Commission reported only 296 offenses, 26 arrests, and 323 seizures valued at $33 million. “… [F]ederal agencies are probably detecting only a small portion of the controlled commodities that are being exported illegally,” said the Commission. There is no criminal statute for illegal exports.

The unstated policy of local ports is perhaps “Don’t Ask,” and the policy of intelligence agencies is “Don’t tell.” Our seaports are unaware of most security threats. The FBI, CIA, Customs, Coast Guard, local police and sheriff’s office tells them little or nothing about possible security threats. Our seaports are not ready for prime time, not prepared for attacks like that on the U.S.S Cole.

Nobody is looking. USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) urges the President, the Congress, and other government agencies to do their jobs defending national security. “Don’t know and don’t tell” is a dangerous policy of willful blindness. Our highly vulnerable seaports are open to Red Chinese vessels every day in every port.

U.S. Customs Asleep on the Docks?

The U.S. Customs Service is responsible for border enforcement having authority to search any shipment that crosses the U.S. border. One duty of the Customs Service is to cooperate with the State Department’s Office of Defense Trade Controls in conducting end-use checks of exports. The State Department sets criteria, but Customs carries them out. Despite the congressional Cox report and other intelligence agency evidence, during the entire Clintan-Gore administration U.S. Customs Service indicted only one PRC (People’s Republic of China) entity for violating U.S. export laws. CATIC – the China Aero Technology Import and Export Corporation – was indicted for using U.S. B-1 and missile machine tools from McDonnell Douglas to manufacture military aircraft and silkworm missiles in Nanchang. [U.S. Customs Today, January 2000]. Meanwhile, Customs devoted considerable resources to interdicting imports of drugs, child pornography, counterfeit clothing, bootleg software and forced labor goods.

Customs “discrepancy” statistics show China very faithfully following Customs’ rules and regulations for processing paperwork. COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) virtually never appears in U.S. daily newspapers, seldom in business journals, and infrequently in U.S. port websites. COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) is virtually always below the radar screen. This stealth company quietly dominates container cargo ports throughout the U.S. COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) does not draw attention to itself its routine commerce in the U.S.

Though China (plus Hong Kong) was far and away the world’s worst violator of slave labor, Customs reports in 1999 and 2000 “this merchandise … does not appear to be a large violation of the law.” In that time, only 250 people had been prosecuted for slave trading, according to the 79-page report “International Trafficking in Women to the United States: A Contemporary Manifestation of Slavery.” This is shocking, given the CIA’s figure of 50,000 people who are brought here in secret bondage annually.

Customs did vigorously move to halt the import of Chinese artificial flowers, tea and other products through 20 detention orders and four findings in 1999. Meanwhile, Customs appeared to give scant resources and no mention on its website to preventing the export to China of U.S. nuclear, missile, stealth, fiber optic and other technologies vital to our nation’s defense. Only one Chinese company and three foreign nationals were indicted.

U.S. Customs’ automated export system flags all military goods destined for China (error 853) and does not allow China a low value exemption from reporting detailed shipping information. Yet in fiscal 1999 Customs apparently found hardly any instances of violations that it considers prosecutable except for the indictment of three foreign nationals [fiber optic, stealth, and antimissile technologies], [U.S. Customs, FY 1999 Accountability Report].

Indeed, Customs has granted COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) – the nearly exclusive shipper to China and a PRC (People’s Republic of China) owned entity – special processing of its cargoes usually accorded to private and free world shippers. For COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) these include automated remote location filings and exemptions granted in early 1997 from submitting Cargo Declarations with manifests and from presenting copies to Customs for review. Are such efficiencies worth the national security risks of potentially dangerous cargoes or exports of militarily valuable technologies?

Another breach is opened by the freight forwarder, the person often controlling the shipping manifests or the paper trail on the contents of ships and containers. Freight forwarding is a legal business. The problem is the loyalties of Red Chinese company owners.

Kenneth Timmerman writing in the October 1997 issue of the American Spectator lists Red Chinese-controlled freight forwarders such as Pan Ocean Lines, North China Cargo, CU Transport Inc. (a creature of the China National Foreign Trade Transportation Corporation) located in Alhambra, Rosemead, and Monterey Park, California. In Compton there’s the China Interocean Transport Inc. (China National Foreign Trade Transportation Corp.); CCIC North America Inc (China National Import and Export Commodities Inspection Corp.) in West Covina in El Monte, Morrison Express of El Segundo.

Timmerman’s investigative reporting for Readers Digest, American Spectator and the Cox Report disclosed thousands of Red Chinese companies based in the US – most in LA – that are open for business and possibly espionage. Under the 1999 Defense Authorization Act the Pentagon was ordered to identify Chinese front companies. It did not. Rep. Chris Coxf said, “The Clinton-Gore administration’s failure to obey the law is knowing, willful and longstanding.”

The whole Clinton-Gore response to Chinese espionage was bizarre, as described by Johnny Chung of WND (WorldNetDaily): “This White House administration not only delivered PNTR*, but it also called Taiwan an intelligence threat to the U.S. and listed the country as a terrorist threat along with Russia, China, North Korea, Serbian-controlled Bosnia, Vietnam, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Libya and Sudan.” [*“PNTR” = Permanent Normal Trade Relations, is a legal designation in the United States for free trade with a foreign nation.]

Meanwhile, the espionage threat of China inside the United States is unspoken and unexplored. We will concentrate most of our attention upon Red Chinese presence in U.S. seaports through Beijing’s “front” companies.

 

Chapter 3

A Red Chinese Sailor in Every U.S. Port

The Red Chinese government owns the 600-ship China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), one of the world’s largest container shipping enterprises. It operates as the merchant marine of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and as such has been caught transporting AK47 automatic rifles to street gangs in Los Angeles, components of weapons of mass destruction to Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea. Yet COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) has few critics and many friends.

The Many American Friends of COSCO

Old salts like my father, a career Navy man, remembered the days when signs saying “Dogs and Sailors Keep Off the Grass” littered the lawns of American harbor towns when swabbies “hit the beach.” Those days are gone. There are far fewer American sailors now and Red Chinese sailors are welcomed everywhere. In Long Beach and Seattle locals ooze with affection for foreign sailors – in particular those from COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company).

With help from the Clinton White House, the City of Long Beach tried mightily to give the former U.S. Naval Station to COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) and local officials actively aided COSCO’s (China Ocean Shipping Company’s) quest for a larger (secure) facility in the region. For nearly three years, U.S.IC (the United States Intelligence Community) and its over 350,000 petition signers implored leaders to reconsider their short-sighted interest in trade. Finally, only acts of Congress nixed a 20-year lease of the Long Beach Naval Station to China and nudged the Port of Los Angeles out of a Pier 400 deal with COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company). COSCO quietly stretched out at new berths at Pier J.

In the Los Angeles region proponents of increasing trade with China have largely silenced debate about the strategic importance of the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles to the nation’s security.

COSCO’s (China Ocean Shipping Company’s) Beijing website happily exclaims:

“On May 8, [2000] the Long Beach Port Authority held a ceremony in HYATT Hotel for President Chen Zhongbiao of COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) Group, in which President Chen got the honorary Long Beach Pilot Award. During the ceremony, Madam O’neill [sic], the mayor of Long Beach, expressed her sincere thanks for President Chen’s support for the establishment of friendly cooperation between COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) and Long Beach, especially under the complicated situation two years ago. The Chairman of Long Beach Port Committee song [sic] high praise for President Chen’s superior working style and his devotion to the development of shipping industry of China and the U.S., and even the whole world. After the speech, he awarded President Chen the honorary Long Beach Pilot Award on behalf of Long Beach Port Authority.”

Still the City and Port of Seattle far surpasses the Long Beach kowtow. Seattle perfected genuflection with uniforms and music provided by – one presumes – a reluctant U.S. Navy. Locals persuaded a U.S. Navy band to provide uniforms and music. One suspects the Navy was keelhauled, dragooned, impressed against its will.

Commemorating the glorious 20th anniversary of the China trade with Seattle in April 1999, a “… fireboat fired towering columns of water … [And] … a 13th [U.S.] Naval District band broke into ‘It’s a Small World.’ The red and gold flag of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Stars and Stripes were raised and snapped together ….

“There is a larger meaning … connections with … one of the leading countries of the world in the next century,” said Port of Seattle Commission President Patricia Davis. “[The] … arrival of each COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) ship … [is] … vital for world stability and security and prosperity….” [Seattle Post-IntelIigeticer, April 19,1999].

So what is COSCO? What’s the problem with thousands of jobs and billions of dollars of trade with China?

A Vast Shipping Empire

COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) is “one of the world’s largest shipping lines, with more than 600 vessels, several hundred [300] subsidiary companies and [has] 80,000 employees handling trade in 150 countries,” said Seattle-based COSCO spokesman Mike Foley in the April 19, 1999 issue of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer.

According to its website “COSCO GROUP ships visit more 1200 ports.” Of COSCO’s vast fleet, close to 100 ships call on U.S. ports, and about 300 use the Panama Canal. Its larger container vessels have a capacity of 5250 TEUs (20foot equivalent container units). In 1997, the volume of cargo carried by COSCO’s world container fleet was 3.4 million TEUs over 653.4 billion ton-miles.

Headquartered in Beijing, COSCO GROUP has major offices in Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, the United States, Europe, South Africa and Australia, etc. China Ocean Shipping Company Americas, Inc., has over 85 subsidiaries and offices throughout the American continent with over 700 employees. COSCO Americas headquartered in Secaucus, New Jersey.

This shipping enterprise is listed as a “red chip,” a PRC (People’s Republic of China)-owned company, on the Hong Kong Stock exchange [Reuters, May 15, 2000] and is seeking a co-listing on New York exchanges. COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) floats loans in American markets. Recently, COSCO Group Ltd appointed BankBoston NA to arrange a $50 million loan to refinance debt. [Bloomberg News May 9, 2000] .

COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) has an increasingly routine presence in America’s ports. Its ships sail in and out of American ports every day – Baltimore, Charleston, Houston, New York, Miami, New Orleans, Norfolk, Oakland, Port Elizabeth (NJ), Portland (OR), Seattle, Tacoma.

Even Washington, D.C., has noted COSCO’s (China Ocean Shipping Company’s) presence – although not in the form of a fleet on the Potomac. Under the adept leadership of Rep. Christopher Cox (R-CA) Congress issued a highly revealing report of Red Chinese theft of U.S. nuclear secrets and access U.S. missile guidance technology, which just happened to mention a certain shipping operation.

“The China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), the PRC’s (People’s Republic of China’s) state-owned shipping company … operates under the direction of the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation and answers to the PRC (People’s Republic of China) State Council,” the congressional report stated.

The Clinton-Gore administration suppressed further information within the full-classified Cox report. “The Clinton administration has determined that additional information concerning COSCO that appears in the Select Committee’s classified Final Report cannot be made public ….”

Perhaps the Bush administration will see fit to reveal more about COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) than did his kow-towing predecessor. “Although presented as a commercial entity,” according to the House Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, “COSCO [the China Ocean Shipping Company] is actually an arm of the Chinese military establishment.”

 

Chapter 4

The PLA’s Merchant Marine

COSCO’s (China Ocean Shipping Company’s) civilian trappings and predominantly commercial enterprises obscure its military mission.

The China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) is the merchant marine of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The PRC refers to COSCO ships as zhanjian or “warships” and boasts that COSCO workers are and will be ready for battle into the next century.

The Communist Chinese government owns it. COSCO Beijing’s website carries quotations from top Communist Party officials. COSCO is intimately linked to the China International Trust and Investment Corp. (CITIC), a key fund-raiser for the Chinese government and a technology-acquiring source for China’s military. COSCO serves its master.

An article in the November 10, 1997, New American described COSCO as “hardly a typical state-owned shipping company. COSCO ships have been used to ferry tanks to the Marxist regime in Burma, ship North Korean rocket fuel to Pakistan, smuggle heroin into Canada, ship AK-47s bound for California street gangs, technology smuggling to China.” It has even purchased a Russian K-3 nuclear attack submarine from Finland.

Espionage and Other Clandestine Activities

Indeed, COSCO ships have been caught and cited for transporting components of weapons of mass destruction such as Chinese missile-technology, and nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons components, materials and fuels into North Korea, Pakistan, Syria, Iraq and Iran, according to U.S. intelligence and international authorities. COSCO has been repeatedly cited over many years and as recently as late 1999.

More ominously for our national security, COSCO (the China Ocean Shipping Company) is “known to be associated with Chinese intelligence operations,” according to Year of the Rat. Like Soviet trawlers before them, COSCO ships sail in the waterways and dock at strategic locations all across the globe and in every major American port. These locations enable them to intercept electronic communications everywhere.

Li Ka-shing, COSCO Senior Advisor and owner of Hutchison Whampoa – operators of ports worldwide – “is to the Chinese army intelligence HQ what Howard Hughes was for the CIA,” says William Triplett, author of Red Dragon Rising.

Recently, the Chinese were caught monitoring Japanese radio signals and mapping undersea approaches to Japan for their sub marines. In July 2000 a secret CIA report described Russian merchant ships gathering signals intelligence north of Puget Sound and the Ports of Seattle and Tacoma. It is prudent to presume that – like the Soviets and the Russians – the Chinese are gathering intelligence in the U.S.A with their forward deployed assets – COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) ships and agents.

Smuggling is another activity in which COSCO vessels have been employed, transporting contraband weapons, drugs, slave labor, and prostitutes.

Richard Delgaudio testified before a U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee hearing chaired by Sen. John Warner, that Li Ka-shing is “China’s Red Billionaire” and his firm is deeply involved in clandestine operations for Red China’s military. Delgaudio’s testimony and his book Peril in Panama amply document China’s threats to the Panama Canal and to the U.S. from missiles smuggled into Li’s port facilities there.

The New American calls COSCO “a PLA (People’s Liberation Army)-connected container shipping fleet that specializes in drug and weapon smuggling.” COSCO smuggled 2,000 AK-47 assault rifles into San Francisco in 1996 – the largest seizure of smuggled automatic weapons in U.S. history. Smuggled aboard the COSCO vessel Empress Phoenix, the weapons were “destined for Asian street gangs founded by illegal immigrants who were once members of the PLA’s (People’s Liberation Army’s) elite Red Guard,” according to the New American.

Added Canada’s Globe and Mail in a May 4, 1996 story: “Top officials of the two Beijing-based companies Norinco and Poly Technologies that make weapons for the Chinese military participated in the smuggling.”

In February 1996, President Clinton met with Poly Technologies Chairman Wang Jun after taking a donation from Charlie Trie. A Rand report says, “Wang Jung is both director of CITIC (China International Trust and Investment Corporation) and Chairman of Poly Group, the arms trading company of the General Staff Department.”

Wang Jun’s employer of record is COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company), according to the New American. Wang Jun, the chairman of the Poly Group is a business partner with Ng Lap Seng, described by the New American as a “Macau mobster,” who in turn is a business partner with Macau casino king Stanley Ho and, through Charlie Trie, a conduit of other Chinese money to Clinton and Gore.

“Poly’s U.S. subsidiaries were abruptly closed in August 1996,” states a Rand report. “Allegedly, Poly’s representative, Robert Ma, conspired with China North Industries Corporation’s (NORINCO) representative, Richard Chen, and a number of businessmen in California to illegally import 2000 AK-47s into the United States.” Their customers were undercover U.S. Customs and BATF agents.

A year later, after Senator John McCain questioned an above-market and taxpayer-subsidized COSCO contract for $157 million with a Mobile Alabama shipbuilder, the CIA, the Coast Guard, and the Customs Service told congressmen Steve Horn and David Dreier, that, “COSCO represents no threat to our national security.” [Washington Times, April 4, 1997].

Harold J. Creel, Maritime Commission chairman, did admit that COSCO engaged in bribes, kickbacks, and predatory pricing. “They are not profit-driven … They want to have their flag and their name on their ships,” said Creel.

Today COSCO (the China Ocean Shipping Company) has become a dominant force in modern container shipping in the world while the U.S. retreats from maritime activities vital to its own defense.

 

Chapter 5

Surrendering the High Seas

In contrast to COSCO’s (China Ocean Shipping Company’s) massive merchant marine fleet the U.S. Navy Military Sealift Command operates only 110 ships across the globe. While these ships are identified as “U.S.NS” – United States Naval Ships – they are not commissioned ships of the U.S. Navy. Civilians man U.S. sealift ships, not military personnel. In contrast, COSCO’S large fleet is under the absolute control of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).

Most U.S. sealift vessels are in reserve and require time to activate. The National Defense Reserve Fleet (NDRF) has activated up to 600 ships to meet sealift needs during the Korean War, Berlin Crisis, Suez Crisis, Vietnam War, and to ship coal to Europe and grain to India. These historically proven needs aside, “Currently, the NDRF consists of [only] 258 vessels …. However, 85 are no longer militarily useful and are slated for scrapping. In addition … another 51 ships are held … on a reimbursable basis. Forty-one of these are naval vessels awaiting disposal. These vessels are maintained at Benicia (Suisun Bay), California; Beaumont (Neches River), Texas; and Fort Eustis (James River), Virginia and at designated outported berths.” [U.S. Department of Transportation, Bureau of Transportation Statistics, Maritime Administration, U.S. Coast Guard Maritime Trade and Transportation 1999, BTS99-02, Washington, DC: 1999].

Thus America’s available defense reserve fleet now comprises 143 ships – far less than the 600 found necessary several times since World War II and about equal to the COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) fleet servicing just U.S. seaports.

In addition, American capacity to draw upon private U.S. shippers is quite limited. “U.S.-flag oceangoing vessels play a small role in carrying the nation’s international commerce … [T]he United States ranks 26th in the number of [U.S. flagged] ships and 11th in total DWT (deadweight tonnage). …The United States ranks 13th in the number of tankers, 9th in tanker DWT (deadweight tonnage), 8th in containerships, and 6th in containership DWT (deadweight tonnage).” While, “approximately 45 percent of the world fleet by deadweight capacity calls at U.S. ports (U.S. Industry and Trade Outlook 1998), most is carried in foreign – increasingly Red Chinese – bottoms.

China Leads the Container Revolution

Enclosed 20- and 40-foot-long metal containers are increasingly the standard of efficiency. Most containers are truck trailer sized bodies easily moved from truck to railcar to ship. Containers ease storage, retrieval, and transfers of bulk cargo among ship, railcar or truck but they are major security problems. Drugs, weapons, and human beings are easily hidden from view and closed containers are difficult to inspect.

The latest containerships have a capacity of 4,500 20-foot equivalent container units (TEUs) [a measure used for capacity in container transportation] or more, and require drafts of 40 to 46 feet when fully loaded.

“To physically accommodate megaships at U.S. ports, channel and berth depths must be at least 50 feet. However, only five of the top 15 U.S. container ports – Baltimore, Tacoma, Hampton Roads, Long Beach, and Seattle – have adequate channel depths, and only those on the west coast have adequate berth depths. In addition, ports may need to expand terminal infrastructure, such as cranes, storage yards, and information systems, to facilitate the increased volumes of cargo from these ships. Also, landside modes and facilities … will face higher volumes of rail and truck traffic. Many ports have initiated expansion projects to accommodate these ships.” (U.S.DOT MARAD 1998, 49-51). [U.S.DOT MARAD = Maritime Administration]

Local port expansion projects of over a billion dollars are common as U.S. ports compete to accommodate new container traffic – much of it by Beijing-owned COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) and the Beijing-friendly Orient Overseas Container Line, (OOCL). While using taxpayer funds is common, the use or swapping of former military port facilities is well hidden. (Long Beach, Oakland, Charleston, New York, Newport).

The world’s containership fleet increased 15 percent annually from 1993 to 1997 as the larger ships handling 4,000 or more 20-foot equivalent container units came into service mostly in east/west trade.

Who is building the ships? Japan and South Korea alone build a third. China may be a distant third, but the U.S. ranks 14th, accounting for an anemic 1 percent of gross tonnage of ships built. In late September 2000 the Washington Times discovered a Clinton Pentagon proposal to build American auxiliary military ships overseas. After protests from Congress, Rear Adm. Craig Quigley claimed that Clinton’s Defense Secretary William Cohen had “emphatically not” supported the idea. The only remaining support ship builders in the U.S. are National Steel in San Diego and Avondale Industries in New Orleans. American shipbuilders shrunk from 21 firms in the 1980s to six defense shipyards in 2000.

Foreign flagged, built, and manned vessels are landing on U.S. coasts – 42 percent of the value of U.S. waterborne trade hit the West Coast, 38 percent the East, and 18 percent the Gulf in 1997. (U.S.DOC Census 1997, table 1069; U.S.DOT MARA.D 1998). COSCO leads this foreign armada. [U.S.DOT MARAD = Maritime Administration]

Long Beach and Los Angeles dominate West Coast trade, but waterways contiguous to the ports of Vancouver, B.C., Seattle and Tacoma are strategic assets for U.S. Navy operations on the Pacific Rim. The port of New York/New Jersey leads the East Coast in both value ($68 billion) and in containers (1.7 million TEUs) handled in 1997, but Charleston and Norfolk are major container ports. The Gulf ports of Houston and South Louisiana handle bulk commodities and crude petroleum making them the top two U.S. ports by gross tonnage. [TEUs) = a measure used for capacity in container transportation]

COSCO’s Role in Red China’s Naval Strategy

Evidence suggests COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) plays a greater role as “a naval arm” of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) far beyond that of merchant marine.

“There is a consensus among military specialists that China is prioritizing two areas of military growth: its missile program and its navy,” states the authors of Year of the Dragon. “COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) is essential to its naval program.”

Red China seems to be preparing to contest with the U.S. Navy, Taiwan, and Japan in its own region. Six hundred COSCO merchant vessels do not appear as major combatants in that theater. However, they perform other functions of naval strategy – COSCO is China’s forward-deployed naval forces across the globe.

Chinese naval strategy for COSCO might be described as follows:

Some vessels could serve as platforms for theater ballistic missiles ,as well as containers for nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. They might provide mobile bases for the cyberwar much discussed as part of China’s RMA (Revolution in Military Affairs).

Ships equipped with electronic information gathering devices can provide signals intelligence from every important U.S. seaport.

Delgaudio in Peril in Panama shows how COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) can secretly deploy an intermediate range nuclear missile at Li Ka-shing’s Panama ports to threaten 100 or more major U.S. cities.

And COSCO might conceivably serve as an expeditionary force projecting military power far from China.

The U.S. Navy describes naval forces as “sea-based, self-contained, and self-sustaining … relatively unconstrained by regional infrastructure requirements or restrictions. Further, naval forces can exploit the freedom of maneuver afforded by the seas ….

Mobility and Adaptability. Naval forces can operate anywhere on the oceans, free of diplomatic restraint. As such, they have an unmatched ability to operate forward continuously, react to contingencies … and act as the enabling force for follow-on Army and Air Force power ….

Presence and Visibility. Ships can be purposely conspicuous or exceptionally difficult to detect. In peacetime, … visibility … signal[s] interest, readiness, and ability to act if a crisis brews. The same ships, stationed close in, on the horizon, just over it, or in unlocatable places and circumstances, can be used as needed in crisis or conflict. With the ability to cumulate forces, naval power can be adjusted or scaled at will, increasing or decreasing pressure … as … leadership chooses to raise or lower … commitment, and engage or disengage much more easily than land-based forces, … the enduring attractiveness of naval power is the flexibility that stems from these inherent characteristics and attributes. Investments in the Navy and Marine Corps are like money in the bank. We do not need to know precisely how and where we will use this resource in order to see its value – indeed our value is greater because we are useful virtually anywhere and anytime. Our expeditionary character, mobility, adaptability, variable visibility, and cooperative and independent capabilities … an especially relevant and useful force. Entering this new century, the technology, information, strike and telecommunications revolutions are rapidly undoing … bounds on naval power … Communications capacities … have increased by several orders of magnitude. Information processing capabilities have expanded concomitantly. Sensor and surveillance systems provide ship-based forces with information about and insights into the land environment that can equal that of land-based forces. [U.S. Navy, Posture Statement 20001.”

The China Ocean Shipping Company’s (COSCO’s) vast fleet already enjoys both the classic advantages and the modern application of all naval vessels outlined above. And it also benefits from the support of some very influential allies around the world.

 

Chapter 6

COSCO’s Network of Powerful Allies

The China Ocean Shipping Company does not have to conduct its mission alone. In addition to its expanding web of operations in North America and around the world, COSCO can rely on a network of influential “friends.” The surprising range of connections include a Chinese billionaire whose Hong Kong-based company operates ports around the globe, a former U.S. Secretary of State, and a “shadow” container company bailed out by a member of the Chinese mafia.

The ‘Red Billionaire’

In Perils in Panama and in testimony before the U.S. Senate, USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) Chairman Richard has detailed the career and activities of Li Ka-shing. A plastic flower king at thirty, Li met Y.K. Pao, a Hong Kong banker, who introduced him to banker Michael Sandberg. Sandberg was looking for a Chinese with the best guanxi to the Beijing leadership. Li was just the right man. Sandberg helped Li get a bargain price for his bank’s 22 per cent stake in a British owned hong – Hutchison Whampoa.

By late 1999, a secret “Intelligence Assessment” by the U.S. Southern Command Joint Intelligence Center, said, “Li Ka-shing, Hutchison Whampoa’s owner, has extensive business ties in Beijing and has compelling financial reasons to maintain a good relationship with Beijing … Hutchison’s containerized shipping facilities in the Panama Canal, as well as the Bahamas, could provide a conduit for illegal shipments of technology or prohibited items from the west to the PRC (People’s Republic of China), or facilitate the movement of arms and other prohibited items into the Americas.”

Li Ka-shing’s vast global shipping empire requires watching because of his intimate connection to COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) as its Honorary Senior Advisor. COSCO Beijing website says:

Mr. Li Ka-shing. Mr. Li is one of Hong Kong’s most prominent businessmen; as Chairman & Managing Director of Cheung Kong Holdings and Hutchison Whampoa Ltd., Hong Kong he requires no forther [sic] introduction.”

China military specialist William Triplett, co-author of Red Dragon Rising, describes Li as “the banker” for the Chinese army. The Rand Corporation, the U.S. Bureau of Export Affairs, and the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, all report that Li Ka-shing and his companies serve the Chinese military as financiers and acquirers of high technology for the PLA (People’s Liberation Army.) [Charles Smith, WorldNetDaily]

Li Ka-shing is also major investor in the China International Trust and Investment Corporation. Both the White House in 1994 and the Rarid Corporation in 1997 revealed Li Ka-shing’s role in CITIC. “According to the 1994 White House dossier, Li Ka-shing is a ‘member of the boards of directors of the China International Trust and Investment Corporation (CITIC). The CITIC bank is also more than it seems. The Rand report said, “CITIC does enter into business partnerships with and provide logistical assistance to PLA (People’s Liberation Army) and defense-industrial companies like Poly (Technologies).” Poly Technologies, Ltd. is the primary commercial arm of the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) General Staff Department’s Equipment Sub-Department. CITIC (China International Trust and Investment Corporation), according to the Rand Corporation, “became identified with the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) as a result of the scandal surrounding (Poly Technologies chairman) Wang Jun and his visit to the White House on 6 February 1996.” [Charles Smith, WorldNetDaily]

According to a 1994 Clinton dossier provided to participants in a trade mission, Li has “significant economic and political ties to China,” including investments in a “power station, a highway construction project and a large contribution to Shantou University.” [Charles Smith, WorldNetDaily].

In 1997, the Rand Corporation’s secret report on the “Chinese defense industry” revealed, according to Charles Smith, Li Ka shing’s direct connections to the Chinese military, “Hutchison Whampoa of Hong Kong, controlled by Hong Kong billionaire Li Kashing, is also negotiating for PLA (People’s Liberation Army) wireless system contracts, which would build upon his equity interest in (Chinese army) Poly-owned Yangpu Land Development Company.”

A USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) search of recent financial and stock market news reveals Li Ka-shing, his family, and his companies heavily invested in the Internet, telecommunications, electricity, and water. China’s new military doctrines – a Revolution in Military Affairs, RMA – advocate cyberwar against the internet and disruptions of telecommunications. This doctrine taken with the Chinese appreciation of the vulnerability of infrastructures is disturbing – given its possible use of agents to exploit Li Ka-shing in strategic industries and locations around the world. Prudent intelligence services ought to watch.

COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) senior advisory board member, Li Ka-shing, has his own shipping empire mostly concentrated in port facilities used by COSCO outside of the U.S.A. Li’s principal property holding company Cheung Kong owns a maritime arm through Hutchison Port Holdings Ltd. (HPH). HPH has 18 major ports around the world (4 in the UK alone) and 8 other affiliates. Li’s companies recently handled 10 percent of the world’s global shipments.

Hong Kong International Holdings (HIT) operates at Container Terminals 4, 6, 7 and through its joint venture with China Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO) at Terminal 8 East. In 1996, HIT (Hong Kong International Holdings) was offered the right to develop and operate two berths in Container Terminal 9 (CT9). HPH owns three other incomplete container terminals in Hong Kong, is purchasing port facilities at the Suez Canal, owns Frazer docks in Vancouver, and has interests in other shipping container companies. Li Ka-shing’s container facilities include: Freeport Container Port, Bahamas; Panama Ports Company, Balboa & Christobal; UK -Port of Felixstowe; Harwich International Port; Thamesport; Europe Combined Terminals, Rotterdam; Port Said, Eygpt; Jakarta International Container Terminals; Jakarta’s Koja Container Terminal; Myanmar International Terminals (Burma); Thilawa, Yangon.

In mainland Red China Li Ka-shing operates: Shanghai Container Terminals; Yantian International Container Terminals, Shenzhen; Nanhai International Container Terminals; Jiangmen International Container Terminals; Zhuhai International Container Terminals (Jiuzhou); Shantou International Container Terminals; Xiamen International Container Terminals; Zhuhai International Container Terminals (Gaolan); Hong Kong InternationalTerminals;NigboPort.

A Former Secretary of State

Li serves with General Alexander M. Haig, a COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) advisor, according to the COSCO Beijing website in the first week of June 2000. The former NATO Commander, Secretary of State, Presidential Chief of Staff, has been a paid “domestic and overseas senior honorary advisor” to the China Overseas Shipping Company. He lobbied to obtain the Naval Station in Long Beach for the Chinese.

As owner of Worldwide Associates, Haig advises United Technologies, a manufacturer of jet engines, air conditioners, and elevators. The company has made billions in 17 joint ventures in China. It is reminiscent of Armand Hammer’s exclusive franchises in the Soviet Union for pencils, asbestos, chemicals, artwork, banking, medicines, and oil.

Haig’s backing of China trade extends to newspaper columns and expert commentary on television. McAlvany Intelligence reports, “Haig has been … aggressive in defending the Red Chinese butchers … defending the Red Chinese leaders just a few months after they slaughtered up to 10,000 student demonstrators in 1989. When China (in early ’96) blockaded the Taiwan Straits and lobbed nuclear capable missiles … off the coast of Taiwan … and threatened to nuke Los Angeles if America came to the aid of Taiwan, Haig frantically called members of Congress, defending China and urging [Congress] not to impose trade sanctions ….”

Haig is just one of six former Secretaries of State who publicly support permanent normal trading relations with China.

The “Shadow” Company

According to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Li Ka-shing is very connected to Tung Chee-hwa, the Beijing appointed Chief Executive of Hong Kong and shares many ventures with the Tung family company Orient Overseas Container Line, OOCL.

“Orient Overseas (International) Ltd. OOIL owns a 23 percent stake in $1.8 billion Oriental Plaza, in Beijing … backed by the Tungs, Richard Li (Pacific Century) and Li Ka-shing (Hutchison),” [Business Week March 24, 1997; 22nd March 1999. … FEATURES June 1999 Issue GREAT MALLS OF CHINA, Paul Money].

The brothers Tung of Hong Kong have a successful family business and profitable political relations with Beijing. Younger brother C.C. Tung, chairman of the OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) since 1996, is a member of advisory boards for both COSCO and the Panama Canal. Rescued from bankruptcy by Beijing and Li Ka-shing, C.C.’s older brother Tung Chee Wah was CEO of Orient Overseas until he was chosen by Beijing to run Hong Kong as its chief executive after the Communist takeover in July 1997. Despite Tung’s high position, a man named Henry Fok may really be “the puppet master in Hong Kong.”

In 1986 when Tung Chee-hwa’s OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) shipping business was on the brink of bankruptcy owing some $2.7 billion to its creditors, Red Chinese interests came up with the $120 million he needed to stay in business. They restructured $1.6 billion in debt and declared $1 billion of it as equity. Henry Fok, identified by the U.S. Justice Department as a member of the Chinese mafia Triad and a Hong Kong businessman with extensive ties to the Red Chinese mainland, engineered the deals to bail out OOCL.

It is widely believed that Henry Fok brokered bridge loans from Li Ka-shing and PLA-owned COSCO to keep Orient Overseas afloat. Fok was a decades-long Communist Party activist who assisted the PRC (People’s Republic of China) during the Korean War. [Chapter 8, The Year of the Rat]. “Further support for Tung in Peking came from Li Ka-shing, who also helped rescue Orient Overseas.” [Dr. Karl-Heinz Ludwig Ursulastr. 5D-80802 MUNCHEN].

According to the Far Eastern Economic Review, Fok and his Red partners invested still again two years after the bailout, “giving them a key role in the restructuring of the Tung empire.” Though having a financial stake in Orient Overseas International (OOIL), they allowed Tung to recover equity very quickly. In 1987 Tung’s wealth was “peanuts.” A vehicle called Tung Holdings Trust, THT, held 65 percent of the company that controlled 74.6 percent of Orient. Fok acquired 27.48percent of THT in 1989. In 1991 Tung borrowed to buy back 23 percent from Fok. In 1992 debts were converted to Tung shares of Orient Overseas. By 1996 Tung had recovered 57.6 percent of a now very profitable company.

One well-placed source (he asks to remain nameless when discussing Fok) says: “Henry Fok could become the next leader of Hong Kong just by asking the Chinese for it.” But Fok seems to have concluded that he can exercise all the power he wants through his man, Cheehwa Tung, while maintaining the very low profile he craves.” [Nov 18, 1996 Forbes Today].

His financial future secure and his loyalty certain, Beijing appointed Tung Chee hwa to become Hong Kong’s executive officer and his brother C.C. Tung took over OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) in October 1996. [”Henry Who: A Friend Indeed,” By Simon Fluendy, Far Eastern Economic Review, January 9,1997; Fortune April 1,1996].

In late June 2000 the South China Morning Post reported that Chinese leaders in Beijing “told a group of visiting Hong Kong tycoons they should support Hong Kong Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa for a second term in exchange for favorable business treatment.” The paper’s largest shareholder, Robert Kuok, complained that the reporter, Willy Lam, didn’t appreciate “manifestations of patriotism to the mother.” [Reuters, Nov 4, 2000]. Chinese President Jiang Zemin “lashed out at journalists for asking whether Tung was the ‘emperor’s choice’ to serve for another five-year term,” reported Reuters on Nov 11, 2000. Demoted as China editor, Lam resigned. [Reuters, Nov 4, 2000].

A Beijing-revitalized OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) is back as “one of the world’s largest international integrated containerized businesses,” according to its website. In 2000 OOCL had 13 offices and very extensive business activities the People’s Republic of China and 160 offices in 50 countries. With 21 branches in China, OOCL “covers virtually every province and major trade center.” OOCL calls at 13 Chinese ports – Dalian, Fuqing, Fuzhou, Huangpu, Ningbo, Qingdao, Shanghai, Shantou, Shekou, Taiping, Xiamen, Xingang and Yantian. Li Ka-shing operates many of these ports including Shanghai Yantian, Shantou, Xiamen, and Nigbo.

In the United States OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) operates in many of the same ports as COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company). OOCL in America is headquartered in the San Francisco-Oakland Bay area town of Pleasanton. OOCL has service offices in the coastal cities of Boston, Charleston, Houston, Long Beach, New York, and Seattle and in Vancouver, B.C. and Panama. In addition to services in cities with OOCL offices, OOCL ships also deliver cargoes to Savannah, Norfolk, Miami, Los Angeles, and Oakland.

OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) owns Long Beach Container Terminal, berths 6-10 at Pier F in Long Beach, Global Terminal in New Jersey, Howland Hook on Staten Island New York, and Deltaport and Vanterm vessel berths on Stewart St. and Roberts Bank in Vancouver, B.C.

OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) claims its business in Vancouver and New York-New Jersey was particularly profitable in 2000. Its Long Beach terminal was twice cited as the “Best Container Terminal Operator in North America.” Given Orient Overseas intimate ties to Beijing, U.S. intelligence agencies ought to have security interests in OOCL.

Chapter 7

A Clear and Present Danger

Every American port competes for ships and sells itself as “having quick turn-around times and efficient operating systems.” Indeed, “the contest to have the most efficient and modern facilities is not new … Shipping lines are undergoing a lot of consolidation – and the competition… [can] … get even more intense … [a] bidding war between East Coast ports erupted [in 1998] …when Maersk Sealand, … owned by the Danish industrial group A.P. Moller, threatened to move its hub out of New York,” said Ken Cottrill, logistics and maritime editor at Traffic World.

“Everyone was falling all over themselves to offer them tax breaks and the best possible facilities,” reported the Atlanta Business Chronicle of August 7, 2000.

Competition for business among America’s ports is a national phenomena that has pushed considerations of national security entirely outside the scope of local thinking. USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) favors free markets and competition, but warns that local efforts to aid COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) as a critical element of successful trade with China, may be costly to our country’s defense.

“Los Angeles and Long Beach rule container traffic on the West Coast; in the East it’s Norfolk, Virginia, and Charleston, South Carolina. For ships using the Gulf of Mexico … Houston is in high-stakes competition with New Orleans. [Houston Press 7/2/98]

The Beijing-owned COSCO security problem is not confined to Long Beach/Los Angeles, which first gave rise to public concerns. It is nationwide. COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) ships sail in and out of American ports every day – Baltimore, Charleston, Houston, New York, Miami, New Orleans, Norfolk, Oakland, Port Elizabeth (NJ), Portland (OR), Seattle, Tacoma, and contiguous Vancouver, B.C.

A quiet private company with the extensive Beijing ties is the Orient Overseas Container Line. OOCL in the U.S. is headquartered in Pleasanton, California, around the San Francisco-Oakland Bay area. OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line) has service offices in the coastal cities of Boston, Charleston, Houston, Long Beach, New York and Seattle and in Vancouver, B.C. and Panama. In addition to services in cities with OOCL offices, OOCL ships also deliver cargoes to Savannah, Norfolk, Miami, Los Angeles, and Oakland.

U.S. Customs is ill equipped to check any more than 2 percent of every cargo container – and then only if the paperwork is irregular or it has specific intelligence information. In fact, documents obtained by USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) show some Chinese shipping firms have falsified their import papers.

As the Interagency Commission revealed, most American seaports have “fair to poor” security, rampant crime, corruption, and high vulnerability to terrorist attacks. It is in this context that it is prudent to alert the public and port authorities to the potential security risks presented by Beijing-owned COSCO (China Ocean Shipping Company) and Beijing-intimate OOCL (Orient Overseas Container Line).

USIC (the United States Intelligence Community) urges that more CIA and NSC resources be devoted to preventing the export of U.S. military secrets to China. Moreover, USIC recommends that Congress and the Bush administration budget additional funds to the CIA, NSC (National Security Council), NSA (National Security Agency), Customs, FBI and other agencies to halt such exports dangerous to our nation’s survival.

USIC urges the Bush administration and Congress to provide Customs with the resources necessary to perform its export control duties. For example, Custom’s Automated Export System (AES) can account for only 39 percent of all U.S. exports and its Automated Commercial System is near meltdown. A new Automated Commercial Environment, ACE, system needs funding for $130 million.

At the very least, COSCO’s ships and sailors must be considered as likely instruments of espionage as well as a source of revenue that will be used to modernize Red China’s massive military machine. In the worst-case scenario, COSCO is the forward-deployed forces of a potential enemy who has already achieved a “stealth invasion” on our shores.

Right now, Red Chinese “front” companies like COSCO brazenly conduct their clandestine operations in our seaports because they’re free from the scrutiny of U.S. authorities. These provide Beijing’s agents with the perfect cover for:

• Intelligence gathering devices to spy on our navy

• Transportation to Red China of high-tech equipment stolen from America

• Concealed shipments into our country of arms, slave labor, prostitutes, drugs – or worse, weapons of mass destruction.

COSCO has already been caught red-handed running 2,000 illegal AK-47 assault rifles to LA street gangs – the largest seizure of automatic weapons in U.S. history. Beijing could easily blackmail America by smuggling nuclear, chemical or biological weapons right into a major seaport like Los Angeles.

The presence of nearly 100 ships of Red China’s merchant marine and millions of unopened, uninspected containers entering the United States is a clear and present danger to American lives and property on our home shores. ….

Let us pray our leaders heed those words and that we’re not too late in closing our gates to Red China’s “Trojan Horse.”

[If the reader thinks the Canaanite-Edomite-jew is not the mover, shaker and financier of all of this intrigue, read again:

“… Y.K. Pao, a Hong Kong banker, who introduced him to banker Michael Sandberg. Sandberg was looking for a Chinese with the best guanxi to the Beijing leadership. Li was just the right man. Sandberg helped Li get a bargain price for his bank’s 22 per cent stake in a British owned hong – Hutchison Whampoa …”

“… China military specialist William Triplett, co-author of Red Dragon Rising, describes Li as “the banker” for the Chinese army …”

“… The company has made billions in 17 joint ventures in China. It is reminiscent of Armand Hammer’s exclusive franchises in the Soviet Union for pencils, asbestos, chemicals, artwork, banking, medicines, and oil …”

Categories
Comrades in Arms Vietnam Why the Vietnam War Is Relevant Today

Sorley on Westmoreland: Loss of Vietnam War, NOT!

Lewis Sorley, Westmoreland: The General Who Lost the Vietnam War. NOT!

By Roger Canfield

We are forever grateful to Lew Sorley for reminding us in a Better War that the war in Indochina
was a strategic battle in the Cold War fought well for honorable purposes.  Lew Sorley is surely on that very short list
of historians of the Vietnam War worth reading.

In Westmoreland: The General Who Lost the Vietnam War, Sorley has now written a masterful work
on the legendary character flaws of Gen. William Westmoreland. [pp. 119, 302-3]
Westmoreland was somewhat late in adopting pacification, CORDS in 1967, as a part
of overall strategy. He and all of his superiors failed, to assault sanctuaries
in Laos, Cambodia and North Vietnam (Hanoi, Haiphong). He and others failed to
conduct a relentless propaganda/counter-propaganda/truth/information war, e.g.
Frank Capra’s Why We Fight in WWII.

That said, Sorley has given insufficient attention to the
context of Westy’s failures, his foes in Washington as well as Hanoi.

Westmoreland was in over his head, but the rot began at the top.
Kennedy was a dilettante and LBJ was a coward fearful of the USSR, China,
weapons and war protesters alike. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara,
contemptuous of military men, gathered young lawyers and   game theorists around him to devise a cost
benefit strategy of gradual escalation. Nowhere was there a win or victory. DC
counted bodies and ammunition. Nixon hired a Harvard Professor, Henry
Kissinger, whose expertise was the diplomacy of a third rate power in the 19th
Century, Metternick of crumbling remnants of the Austro-Hungarian empire. They
bombed Hanoi into submission to American concessions (Negroponte). Nixon’s Defense
Secretary Melvin Laird retained Kennedy-Johnson holdovers like Paul Warnke,
Robert Pursley, Harold Brown, Dan Henkins, Jack Stempler.

Hanoi’s strategic game plan was no secret–three phased
warfare.  North Vietnam’s key strategist
and Minister of Defense, General Vo Nguyen Giap, says, How We Won the War,
“[Our party] combined military struggle (dau tranh vu trang) with
political struggle (dau tranh chinh tri) and at certain stages … also
with diplomatic struggle, in order to completely defeat the U.S.-Thieu
neo-colonialist war of aggression.”[1]
Le Duan, Lao Dong Party Secretary, instructed the Viet
Cong COSVN:  “The armed struggle [dau tranh vu trang] must be simultaneously
conducted with the political one [dau tranh chinh tri]. …” This principle was consciously applied in the
streets of America [dich van] far outside of Westmoreland’s responsibilities.

Hence, American disputes and Sorley’s own account, about
contending war strategies of attrition (Westmoreland) v. pacification (Abrams) are
overly simplified. Setting aside the decisive, politics and diplomacy, armed
struggle in all of Indochina was protracted, dynamic and ever changing
combinations of guerrilla terror and main force operations.

Hanoi actually defeated America in diplomacy and in politics
but not on the battlefield or in the hamlets. Until the Nixon-Kissinger bug out
and Congressional betrayal, America’s southern ally had won both the war of
attrition [Phillip Davidson, Vietnam At War] and the war of pacification [Mark Moyer, Phoenix and Birds of Prey].

Westmoreland was no more clueless about the enemy’s strategy than his superiors.

Westmoreland and Abrams fought the war presented to them by
the enemy and their civilian superiors. Westmoreland did not want to pursue
only a war of attrition. [Sorley 91-92] Westmoreland had greater strategic
objectives including a major operation to cut, block and hold the Ho Chi Minh
trail in Laotian panhandle. Hanoi has admitted this would have been fatal to
“the revolution”. Defense Secretary McNamara and his wonder boys put
the hex on that in 1966. (McMaster, Dereliction of Duty).

In different times and places both superior firepower (1965,
1968, 1972, 1975) and pacification were critical. After the failures of Tet
1968, on May 5, 1968 Politburo member Truong Chinh presented plans for a new
strategy, return to protracted and guerrilla war and to place the greater
efforts upon political struggle.[2] Giap neither believed “guerrillas” could win the war nor planned on
winning it using only guerrillas. The implication that VC/NVA could or did win
the war by elusive retreats after major battles is absurd.

The opposition in Hanoi saw many paths to victory (military,
political and diplomatic), many phases of the war (guerrilla, main force and
political), many wars fought throughout Indochina. The enemy nearly always held
the initiative. He fought, or not, at times and places of his own choosing. He
“stood and fought” at Dong Xoai in ’65, Thach Tru in ’66, At Dak To
in ’67. Hue and Khe Sanh and many other places in Tet ’68.

The war culminating in a massive, overwhelming conventional
warfare victory, the very superior firepower that Sorley insists was Westmoreland’s
uniquely flawed strategy. [101-102, 107]. In the end, just as Giap and Truong
Chinh planned, it was overwhelming conventional superior firepower that turned
the trick. “Pacification” alone would not and could not have withstood the assault.

Westmoreland did not ignore pacification. He did what he
could when he could with Diem’s flawed strategic hamlet program and he was slow
to adopt the MACV’s CORDS pacification.

General Abrams did not simply change to tactics that Westmoreland
could have easily adopted.  Abrams capitalized
on some factors attributable in part to Westmoreland’s efforts such as plummeting
VC recruitment and capabilities and improved RVNAF troops and modernized
weapons (no more WW II surplus) Hence, Abrams ably gave more attention to
pacification.

After Tet’s decimation of Viet Cong and NVA main forces in
1968 either Westmoreland or Abrams would have pursued the very same
policy–clean up the remnants at the hamlet level.

That Abrams and the Thieu/Ky regime did it so brilliantly does not mean that
Westmoreland’s earlier strategy was forever fundamentally flawed.

Yes, Westmoreland was a stuffed shirt as were MacArthur and
Patton in their own way.

Sorley highlights the critical issue of counterinsurgency, pacification, now so
critical to the future in Iraq, Afghanistan and the “Arab Spring.”

We can all learn from Generals Westmoreland and Abrams and
yes, Lew Sorley.

I would like to thank Bill Laurie upon whose thoughts I have
drawn heavily.

Roger Canfield, ATN2, VF-121, NAS Miramar, 1962-1964. Author
of Comrades in Arms: How the Americong
Won the War in Vietnam Against the Common Enemy—America
.  Also China’s
Trojan Horses” Red Chinese Soldiers, Sailors, Students, Scientists and Spies
Occupy America’s Homeland
.


[1] General Vo Nguyen Giap, How We Won the War, Philadelphia: RECON
Publications, 1976, 28 originally in Nhan Dan and Quan Doi Nhan,
June 31, July 1, 1975 and as “A New Development of the Art of Leading a
Revolutionary War, Vietnam Courier, August and September 1975.

[2] Thomas K. Latimer, “Hanoi’s Leaders and Their South Vietnam Policies:
1954-1968.” Ph.D. dissertation, History, Georgetown University, 1972,
Leaders, 336, cited in Phillip B. Davidson, Vietnam At War: the History:
1946-1975
, New York: Oxford University Press, 1991, 543-4, 571, 573n14.

Categories
Uncategorized Vietnam Why the Vietnam War Is Relevant Today

Peace, Politics, and Military Strategy

Categories
Comrades in Arms Vietnam

Phoenix: Moral & Effective Counterinsugency

Comrades—Phoenix: An Untold USA Success is Hanoi’s Propaganda Victory

In the end, Mark Moyar, author of the definitive work on the Phoenix pacification program,
writes, “The Government of Vietnam had won the struggle for control over rural
South Vietnam and the allegiance of its inhabitants, but it lost the war.”[1]

Conventional histories tell another story of a program of great moral depravity and militarily ineffective.

Among the little told successes of the Diem
regime was pacification of hamlets beginning with providing safe havens,
fortifications, outside of Viet Cong territory. Hanoi promptly described Diem’s
strategic hamlets as “concentration camps,” a characterization more accurate
for Hanoi practice than Saigon policy.

Strategic Hamlets: Unpopular but Effective

Meanwhile, fortifying hamlets and relocating remote hamlets had improved security for
elections.[2] Involuntary moves to Strategic Hamlets away from VC controlled home hamlets was
not popular, perhaps intentionally over extended,[3]
mismanaged and sabotaged by communist spy Pham Ngoc Thao,[4]
but still “abandonment of the hamlets hindered [the VC making)]. . . the
villagers both less accessible and less cooperative” to the VC. A former village cadre said,

“The more that people migrated to the Government areas, the less production workers, corve laborers, and informers the Front had.

“The Front would no longer have the people to support them and with whom they could mingle to hide.

“Many young men from the village went to the Nationalist areas, enlisted in the Nationalist army and returned to
the village to fight against the Front.

“This fact demoralized and confused the Front cadres the most.”[5]

Col. Pham Ngoc Thao was a serial coup plotter and Hanoi spy that the
CIA and Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge nearly put into office after the Lodge
facilitated coup (and assassination) of South Vietnam’s President Ngo Dinh Diem.

Viet Cong expert and scholar Douglas Pike said of Pham Ngoc Thao that, “Although he was never uncovered as a Viet Cong spy, postwar reports from Hanoi indicated that he had been promoted posthumously to the rank of Colonel in People’s Army of Viet Nam and was buried in the Go Vap Hero Cemetery outside of Saigon.”[6]

…The Party Line: Pacification—Brutal and …Ineffective.

Hanoi’s super spy among the Saigon media, Pham Xuan An also was anxious to have Americans understand the failures of
pacification programs—Hop Tac, Phoenix-CORD—and to interpret them as
ineffective and brutal. It was one of An’s long term projects. Pham Xuan An
kept the North Vietnamese informed on all pacification efforts.

In one instance, Pham Xuan An drove Rufus Phillips, American pacification specialist, in his battered green Renault to
Cho Lon, site of a 100-man Viet Cong ambush of South Vietnamese village
self-defense forces at An Phu. According to Phillip’s account, Pham, a
Vietnamese friend, told him about “An incident occurred yesterday, right
outside of Saigon. The area is insecure as hell.”

Pham Xuan An says, “There were many places I could have taken Rufus, but this one [had] innocent
people…killed …and there was no such thing as security in these programs.”

The Viet Cong attack had passed through General Westmoreland’s vaunted “Rings
of Steel.” Decentralized South Vietnamese units did not communicate and had
taken six hours to respond to calls for assistance. Phillips passed the word to
Edward Lansdale and Brig. Gen. Fritz Fine who wrote reports, but “not a
goddamned thing happened.”[7]

Though Rufus Phillips believed An’s motivation was concern for the human tragedy at An Phu,[8] spy An had also achieved the objective of
disinformation, showing that pacification was not working to Phillips a  man deeply dedicated to helping the Vietnamese pacification and nation building.

Spy An’s northern commander, Mai Chi Tho, thought
that impugning the effectiveness of pacification was one of An’s greatest
achievements,[9] but Mai Chi Tho did not explain to Larry Berman,
An’s biographer, why An’s reports on pacification had high value added.

After all, the North Vietnamese already had reports from thousands of their other
cadre in the hamlets of South Vietnam who saw pacification up close and
personal every day in thousands of hamlets. An’s contribution was surely different.

The value of An’s work was likely sowing disinformation among the allies, saying the effective was ineffective and the humane was inhumane.

Moyar: Pacification Effective

Mark Moyar has documented that pacification programs had considerable successes in his Phoenix and The Birds of Prey[10], a book that was checked out only twice in a
decade from the shelves of professor Larry Berman’s university, UC-Davis, where he and others gave courses on the Vietnam War to a student body of 20,000.

A massive propaganda campaign was necessary to
defame pacification, the war in the shadows the communists finally lost. To
this day history falsely records pacification, particularly Phoenix, as brutal
and ineffective.  Later, the North Vietnamese admitted that Phoenix was effective[11] and that they had nonetheless successfully
undermined its legitimacy. “History,” Napoleon said, “is a fraud agreed upon.”

Phoenix—Moral and Effective Work to Pacify Villages

Pacification, especially the Phoenix program, has been falsely portrayed as an ineffective
program of indiscriminate assassination of thousands of innocent civilians and
political opponents. Both immoral and ineffective.

Its object was to neutralize the Viet Cong’s apparatus, its organized cadre, its secret shadow
government, propaganda shows and structure of terror. Neutralization could
consist of defection, capture, imprisonment, and yes, death. The Phoenix
program was the successor to a wide range of programs beginning with Diem,
Lansdale and Rufus Phillips such as the Intelligence Coordination and Exploitation, ICEX, Civil Action
Program, CAP, and in South Vietnamese it was known as Phung Hoang.

War Against A Shadow Government

This “war against the shadow government” was vast, complex and diverse and continued for many
years across many provinces and through many fits and starts and name changes.

Mark Moyar in Phoenix and the Birds of Prey presents the most thorough and honest treatment.[12] Moyar argues that Phoenix was neither
entirely black nor entirely white. It was shades of gray. It is true that the
South Vietnamese “arrested, tortured and killed (some) civilians who were not
Viet Cong…[On the other hand, it is clear] The allies went out of their way to
keep such abuses from occurring…The gray of the allies tended to be lighter
rather than darker…[Certainly] Ideals ran into reality”[13] in the villages and on the battlefields.

From 1960-1967 South Vietnamese pacification had included capturing, torturing, blackmailing and killing VC.

After 1967, the Phoenix era beginning in July 1968, American CIA advisors generally prevented
South Vietnamese torture and killing and insisted upon evidence to imprison.
Thereafter most of the falsely accused were promptly released and others served
short terms. In the end, as to who ultimately killed the Cong, Mark Moyar
credits the South Vietnamese: Provincial Reconnaissance Units, PRUs, and local
militias, which “devastated the Viet Cong shadow government, as well as the Viet Cong guerrilla forces.”[14]
Bruce Lawlor, former CIA officer and attorney remembers,

“A female lawyer…asked me…whether I had killed any babies…

“How do you answer an idiot like that…

“The PRU wasn’t a conspiracy. It was never an assassination program.

“Sometimes we made mistakes…but there was no evil intent. There were a lot of very honorable people.”[15]
The communists understood Phoenix better than our own CIA officers and morally pretentious attorneys,
not to be an assassination program, but a combination of allied Special Forces
targeting the shadow government, the Viet Cong terror network. These forces
included the PRU, Special Police, unconventional ARVN and U.S. specialty units,
e.g. Kit Carson Scouts, national police forces and small paramilitary units.

Indeed, Viet Cong cadre, traveling with armed escorts, resisting arrest, were shot rather more
often than they were peacefully arrested. Another explanation for high kill
rates was the bookkeeping—who got the credit. Phoenix
intelligence units provided the names of VC members to U.S. and ARVN military
units. Yet if ordinary military actions killed someone on the list, Phoenix
units were credited with the kill[16] instead of ARVN military units.

Hence, dead VC killed in armed combat and carried
on the Phoenix lists, easily were misinterpreted or intentionally characterized
as Phoenix assassinations.  It was this faulty method of accounting, so endemic to McNamara’s obsession with counting
things, resulting in Phoenix intelligence operations wrongfully being morphed
into an assassination program directed at civilians.

Covert cadre pretending to be civilians did not make them so.

It was this failure to make distinctions absolutely necessary in a covert war such as that fought in Vietnam and now in
Iraq and Afghanistan that led to charges of brutality and wanton civilian killing.

But killing armed Viet Cong cadre, dressed as civilians, was the same as killing armed soldiers, spies and terrorists. Viet
Cong cadres, whatever their disguises, were combatants, not civilians.[17]

But the Americong was highly proficient at disseminating this myth of wanton indiscriminate
killing of civilians.  For example, Elton
Manzione, a VVAW member is often cited as someone who claimed he had murdered
many civilians. Yet Navy Seals who served in Vietnam did not know this
self-proclaimed Seal because Manzione had never been to Vietnam.[18] Likewise, Mark Moyar discredits two other
witnesses, Mike Beamon and Kenneth Barton Osborne as an imposter and as a liar respectively.[19]
Journalists, Neil Sheehan and Frances Fitzgerald, widely promulgated the ruling myths of Phoenix assassinations.

Attempts were made to debunk the myth.  For example, in
answering the charge by columnist Walter Scott that Phoenix “established a new
high for U.S. political assassinations in Vietnam,” Phoenix Director, William
Colby, in a letter to editor Lloyd Shearer of Parade magazine on January 11, 1972 wrote:

“‘…Operation Phoenix is not and was not a program of assassination.

“It countered the Viet Cong apparatus attempting to overthrow the Government of [South] Vietnam by targeting its leaders.

“Wherever possible, [members of the Viet Cong apparatus] …were apprehended or invited to defect, but a substantial
number were killed in firefights during military operations or resisting capture.

“There is a vast difference in kind, not merely degree, between these combat casualties (even including the few
abuses which occurred) and the victims of the Viet Cong’s systematic campaign of terrorism…”[20]

Of the 15,000 neutralized in 1968 some 72% were captured, 13 rallied to the government, and
only 15% were killed.[21] The South Vietnamese embraced pacification after Tet 1968. In 1969 the number of killed doubled. Through July 1972 26,000 killed, 32% were killed.[22]

It was hardly successful as an assassination program when those in custody stayed alive.

Hanoi Found Phoenix Effective

Besides accusations of the immorality of Phoenix, another contradictory false claim was
simultaneously disseminated, namely that Phoenix was not effective. Nguyen Co
Thach, a senior North Vietnamese diplomat, said that Phoenix, “had slaughtered
far more than the 21,000 officially listed… We had many weaknesses in the south because of Phoenix.”[23]

For the sake of argument, as an assassination programs Phoenix was very ineffective 73% of the 67,006
“neutralized” Viet Cong defected or were captured, only 27% were killed.[24]
The Communists knew pacification programs were always a threat to the Viet Cong
and could sometimes be very effective. Hanoi assessed Phoenix as a combination
of “political, economic, and cultural schemes with espionage warfare in order
to eliminate the infrastructure of the revolution and build the infrastructure of neo-colonialism.”[25]

After the war the communists told Stanley Karnow, that Phoenix was “the single most effective
program you used …in the entire war.”[26]
That was why Hanoi made pacification programs prime targets of propaganda blasts on the Second
Front, where their reliable agents could be expected to dutifully parrot the North Vietnamese party line.

In the end, Mark Moyar, author of the definitive work on
the Phoenix pacification program, writes, “The Government of Vietnam had won
the struggle for control over rural South Vietnam and the allegiance of its inhabitants, but it lost the war.”[27][1]


[1] Mark Moyar, “VILLAGER ATTITUDES DURING THE FINAL DECADE OF THE VIETNAM WAR, 1996
Vietnam Symposium, “After the Cold War: Reassessing Vietnam,” 18-20
April 1996, http://www.vietnam.ttu.edu/vietnamcenter/events/1996_Symposium/96papers/moyar.htm

[2] Cutting vegetation, erecting fences, moats, towers, guard posts and government forces manning the hamlet 24
hours a day. See: Moyar, Phoenix, 126.

[3] Marguerite Higgins, Our Vietnam Nightmare, New York: Harper & Row, 1965, 116-7.

[4] Karnow, 257.

[5] Rand Vietnam Interviews, Series AG, No. 545, 30 cited in Mark Moyar, “VILLAGER ATTITUDES DURING THE FINAL DECADE OF THE
VIETNAM WAR, 1996 Vietnam Symposium, “After the Cold War: Reassessing
Vietnam,”18-20 April 1996, http://www.vietnam.ttu.edu/vietnamcenter/events/1996_Symposium/96papers/moyar.htm

[6] Pike, Chapter 1, War in Shadows, Boston: Boston Publishing Co., 1988, 6.

[7] Rufus Phillips, “Rings of Steel,” Al Santoli, To Bear Any Burden, 167-8.

[8] Rufus Phillips, Why Vietnam Matters: An eyewitness account of lessons not
learned,
Naval Institute Press, 2008, 270-272.

[9] Larry Berman, The Perfect Spy: The Incredible Double Life of Pham Xuan An, Time Magazine Reporter
& Vietnamese Communist Agent,
New York: Harper Collins, 2007, 178-9.

[10] Mark Moyar, Phoenix and the Birds of Prey; The CIA’s Secret Campaign to Destroy the Viet Cong, Annapolis:
Naval Institute Press, 1997; See also Lewis B. Sorley, A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final Tragedy of America’s Final Years in Vietnam,
New York: Harcourt, Brace 1999.

[11] Stanley Karnow, 601-2.

[12] Mark Moyar, Phoenix…

[13] Mark Moyar, Phoenix…, xvi.

[14] Mark Moyar, Phoenix , xi.

[15] Mark Moyar, Phoenix 365n45 cites his interview of Bruce Lawlor.

[16] D.E, Bordenkircher, S.A. Bordenkircher, Tiger Cage: Untold Story, Abby Publishing, 1998, 31.

[17] Mark Moyar, Phoenix, 226n9 cites Stuart A. Herrington, 13.

[18] Mark Moyar, Phoenix, 225n6 cites Douglas Valentine, The Phoenix Program, NY: Pocket Books, 1994, 340.

[19]Mark Moyar, Phoenix [Also University of Nebraska, 2007.93-96, 117, 213, 216, 380 n26.

[20] CIA, FOIA, W.E. Colby to Lloyd Shearer, January 11, 1972, at 668 of Family Jewels.

[21] Lewis Sorley, A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final Tragedy of
America’s Last Years in Vietnam
, New York: Harcourt, 1999, 145.

[22] Moyar Phoenix and the Birds of Prey, 236.

[23] Mark Moyar, Phoenix, 246n9 cites Seymour Hersh, Price of
Power
: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, NY: Summit Books, 1983, 280-81.

[24] Bill Laurie, Godzilla at Khe Sanh: Viet Nam’s Enduring Hallucinatory
Illusions
, unpublished manuscript to author August 26, 2009.

[25] War Experiences Recapitulation Committee of the High-Level Military Institute, Vietnam:
The Anti-U.S. Resistance War for National Salvation,
1954-1975, English 122
cited in Lewis Sorley, A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final
Tragedy of America’s Last Years in Vietnam
, New York: Harcourt, 1999, 147.

[26] Karnow Vietnam, 602.

[27] Rufus Phillips, “Rings of Steel,” Al Santoli, To Bear Any Burden, 167-8.

Categories
Cambodia Comrades in Arms Vietnam

Vietnam in HD: Barry Romo, Hanoi Agent? w/ postwar UPDATE

Comrades—Barry Romo
Barry Romo was a major commentator on the History Channel’s “Vietnam in (High Definition)—HD.” The viewer is informed that
Romo came home to toss his war medals and join the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, VVAW.
That account is incomplete.
In “Vietnam-HD” Barry Romo was falsely identified as a spokesman for American veterans in Vietnam. He
was a willing and enthusiastic agent of Hanoi during the war. He and others
like him did not seek peace in Vietnam. They sought victory for the Communist
enemy and a transformed America.
Romo had joined the enemy in war and at home. Today he continues in Iraq and the USA. (Update Below)
The horrific consequences for the peoples of Indochina cannot be fixed by a correction of Barry Romo’s curriculum vitae, but perhaps history
can catch up with the truth.
The following are extended excerpts from Comrades in Arms: How the
Americong Won the War in Vietnam Against the Common Enemy—America.
These extended
excerpts show the full context of Romo’s participation in pro-Hanoi activities.
Though a numerical minority, the collaborators with Hanoi created a large number of front groups claiming to
speak for vast constituencies: women, lawyers, doctors, students, racial minorities, and war veterans.[1]
Romo played a prominent role in Vietnam Veterans Against the War, VVAW which, among other groups, fronted for Hanoi.
At most VVAW had a few thousand members out of the 2.4 million who served in Vietnam.
American War Medals Tossed
On April 23, 1971, John Kerry led members of VVAW in a protest of tossing American war medals and
ribbons over a fence in front of the U.S. Capitol. “We came here to undertake one last mission, to
search out and destroy the last vestige of this barbaric war,” Kerry said.
Among those tossing their medals are Rep. Ron Dellums, (D-California),[3] and Barry Romo.[4]
Parts of the toss were a fraud.
VVAW Tosses Medals: Some Theirs Some Not
Paul Withers of Boston came to the microphone claiming to be a former Green Beret. He said he had received
nine purple hearts and a long list of other medals, including the Distinguished Service Cross.[5]
The name Withers does not appear in an alphabetical list of the 1,055
recipients of the Distinguished Service Cross between the names Wishik,
Jeffrey and Witherspoon, Thomas where Withers should appear.[6]
Moreover, a Purple Heart website
cites Medal of Honor recipient Robert Howard being wounded 14 times in 54 months receiving a total of 9 awards
of the Purple Heart.[7] The Purple Heart website does not mention Withers as a recipient of an equal number of Purple Hearts.
While the “absence of a name should NOT
be construed to definitively negate a veteran’s claim to this award,” the VVAW
was legendary for the phony claims of its members including one of its
presidents Al Hubbard. B.G. Burkett and Glenna Whitley in Stolen Valor
document 1,700 persons fabricating war stories.
Lying about service in Vietnam gained veterans benefits for those
who had not earned them, made political points and answered the question, “What
did you do during the Vietnam War?” By 2000 service in Vietnam had become honorable.
Scott Swett reports that some VVAW participants were carrying medals for others who could
not make the trip to the Washington rally.
VVAW member Steve Pitkin remembered someone with long hair holding a bag filled with military
ribbons and medals and offering them to VVAW members. Pitkin said that most of
the medals, Korean War, weren’t right for service in Vietnam. Pitkin heard that
VVAW had cleaned out the local Army-Navy stores the day before. Disgusted,
Pitkin grabbed his handful of medals and threw them not over the fence, but
into a mob of reporters and marched off. [8]
Hanoi Happy With Medal Toss
Hanoi appreciated their front groups and their activities including the medal toss.
…Enemy’s Intimate Knowledge of U.S. Antiwar Movement–Viet Cong
Directive 31
In the midst of the spring demonstrations on April 28, 1971 the Viet Cong, oft described as uninformed black-pajamaed peasants
isolated from great world affairs, issued Directive No. 31 OT/TV[9] ordering VCI cadre to “step up …the anti-Vietnam War movement of the Americans.”
Directive No. 31 very precisely identified the activities of every major antiwar organization from
March through May 1971 including: the “nationwide alliance for peace” [i.e.
National Peace Action Coalition, NPAC], the Alliance of Americans for Just
Peace [i.e. Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice, PCPC], the “US war
veterans who have fought in Vietnam” [i.e. Vietnam Veterans Against the War,
VVAW,] and “the families of those US soldiers who were KIA or captured” [i.e. COLIFAM].
The Directive No. 31 also mentioned ‘a law court to denounce the crimes of the US” [i.e. the VVAW’s
Winter Soldier Investigation], the “return of medals” [VVAW medal toss] and the demonstrations on April 24.
The Directive showed that Hanoi’s puppet had either a very comprehensive understanding of the
anti-war movement inside the USA or had a Hanoi-American author or both.
VVAW’s Joe Urgo on a tour in Hanoi received four tapes of POWs held by the Provisional Revolutionary
Government of South Vietnam—the Viet Cong.[10]
One POW was disturbed by “stories” of atrocities and had heard “reports” of the VVAW medal tosses.
Another praised the patriotism of PCPJ and VVAW. Another accused the U.S. of
“waging the most vicious and ignoble war of all times,”[11] a Hanoi theme John Kerry and VVAW oft repeated.
Meeting Pham Van Dong
OUpon meeting the PCPJ, VVAW and NPAC delegation in Hanoi, Pham Van Dong “highly praised the antiwar
activities…especially in the 1971 spring offensive” in which the VVAW had
played such a large role in the “Dewey Canyon”: the medal toss.
Radio Hanoi said, “The American guests …welcomed the Seven Point peace initiative…and promised to push
on [with] their coordinated antiwar actions.”[12]
…VVAW Plans Another Hanoi Tour
Al Hubbard whose credentials were marred by his lies about his rank and service in Vietnam did
not stand for reelection to VVAW. His pro-Hanoi agenda would continue nonetheless.
The Houston meeting of VVAW on the 11th of April 1972 would select its nominees
for a proposed trip to Hanoi.
Prospective candidates for a Hanoi trip were: were George Smith, Indiana-Ohio, a former POW; Marty O.
Jordan, an Indian from Arkansas; Scott Camil, Florida advocate of the
assassination of pro-war U.S. Senators; John Musgrave, Kansas; Barry Romo,
California; David Evans Ross, Colorado; and Bill Marshall, Michigan, a black.
Alternates selected were Peter Mahoney, Louisiana; Richard Bangert, Missouri;
Mike Dedrick, Seattle; Chuck Geisler, Michigan; Gale Graham, New York; and Jon
Birch, Philadelphia.[13]
The FBI transmitted the list of VVAW nominees for a Hanoi trip to the President and to
diplomatic and military agencies.[14] Local FBI offices were instructed to find
“possible weaknesses including pending prosecution, etc which can be exploited to bar individuals’ travel…”[15]
On May 9, 1972 John Smith, regional coordinator of the Connecticut VVAW, wrote to the North
Vietnamese Embassy, Paris offering a medical assistance team for Hanoi.[16]
Plans proceeded to send a seven-person VVAW team to Paris to meet with North
Vietnamese. It would cost $30,000, but VVAW was hopeful that Jane Fonda and
Soviet Union (half) would cover a major portion.[17]
Al Hubbard went on a California fundraising tour to San Francisco.
The Christmas Bombings of Hanoi: Barry Romo’s Ringside in Hanoi
On December 11, 1972 Anniversary Tours, a
Communist Party-USA owned travel agency, booked Scandinavian Airlines, SAS,
flights out of JFK Airport bound for Hanoi with folksinger Joan Baez,
the Episcopal Rev. Michael Allen of Yale Divinity, Barry Romo of VVAW, and Gen.
Telford Taylor, the former chief counsel of the war crimes trials of the Nazis at Nuremberg, Germany.[18]
On December 13, 1972, Cora Weiss held a press conference and introduced Baez, Allen, Taylor and
Romo as departing for Hanoi. Baez said she wanted to meet North Vietnamese and
to witness war damage. Allen said they carried 500 pieces of mail. Weiss said this was COLIFAM’s 36th mail trip.
…“Wet His Pants”
Nixon’s “Christmas” bombing strategy in December 1972 worked.
As Nixon and Kissinger first claimed, American POW’s later confirmed and the North Vietnamese admit today, the
December bombings were terrifying.  Joan Baez in the Metropole’s bomb shelter with Rev. Michael Allen of Yale Divinity,
Barry Romo of VVAW and Telford Taylor sang Christmas Carols. Close by in the
“Hanoi Hilton” the POWs cheered.
The Vietnamese trembled.[19] Truong
Nhu Tang remembered, “I had been caught in the Apocalypse. The terror was
complete. One lost control bodily functions as the mind screamed
incomprehensible orders to get out.”[20] One POW saw his prison guard
“trembling like a leaf, drop his rifle, and wet his pants.”[21]
Some 42,000 bombs fell seeking “maximum destruction of selected military targets.”
Hanoi’s 1,242 SAM missiles and artillery shells fired at American
aircraft fell back down amongst the civilians remaining in Hanoi.[22]
Romo Claims Civilians Targeted
VVAW’s Barry Romo claimed the bombing was
never to destroy military targets, but to terrorize and demoralize the
Vietnamese people. Bombs falling on nonmilitary targets were not errors. The
same homes and shops were hit several times, Romo claimed.[23]
Yet the actual orders from Washington were to
“exercise precaution to minimize risk of civilian casualties…”[24] Aircrews were ordered to maintain straight and
level flight to “maximize aiming time” and to “reduce the
chances of civilian damage.”[25]
These orders increased crew exposure to the
world’s best antiaircraft defenses. Although not the nuclear holocaust the left
frequently accused the US of planning—whenever the U.S. showed even diplomatic
firmness to Communist aggression–the new smart bombs fell with great accuracy.
“Carpet Bombing”
Stanley Karnow says American newspapers, television, and radio had uncritically carried a
French reporter’s claims [in Le Monde] of “carpet bombing” of downtown
Haiphong and Hanoi.  Malcolm Browne of The
New York Times
, a war critic, said this was “grossly overstated.”
Indeed, even Tran Duy Hung, mayor of Hanoi denied such false claims.  Karnow says, “American antiwar
activists…during the attacks urged the mayor to claim a death toll of ten
thousand.”
The suspects for such an intentional fabrication, a lie, would have
been Joan Baez, Barry Romo, Michael Allen, and Telford Taylor. Mayor Tran
refused to bump the numbers because “his government’s credibility was at stake.”
The North Vietnamese counted 1,318 civilian fatalities in Hanoi and 305 in Haiphong—a pittance
of the 85,000 killed in the real carpet firebombing of Tokyo in March 1945.[26]
Earlier in 1972, the North Vietnamese had turned artillery upon civilians
fleeing Quang Tri and An Loc killing at least 15,000. There was neither
discernible media nor “peace” pilgrim outrage to this slaughter of the purely innocent.
VVAW Support Hanoi’s Line and Tone
….At its January 4-8, 1973 national steering committee meeting of 102 delegates VVAW discussed
the inaugural, supported the Vietnamese 9 Point Peace Plan and approved sending
cash and medical supplies to the National Liberation Front.[27] Deciding to take a less militant tone than
their previous public tossing away of war medals, takeover of the Statute of
Liberty etc., the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, VVAW, vowed to refrain from violence and stop carrying the Viet Cong flag.
Had the North Vietnamese told VVAW to tone it down?
Barry Romo, returned from talks with communist officials in North Vietnam and hearing bomb
blasts, spoke at Arlington National Cemetery and signed the 9-point peace plan.[28]
Some 2,000 attended the Arlington demonstration and 30,000 from allied groups
rallied at the Washington Memorial.[29]
…VVAW Supports Amnesty for Draft Dodgers and Deserters
April 19-23, 1973 the VVAW National Steering Committee met at George Stapleton’s Ranch and at
Bernalillo Community Center in Placitas, New Mexico. Ed Damato discussed an
ambitious VVAW effort to win amnesty for deserters and draft dodgers.[30]
May 26-28 about 30 VVAW members including Al
Hubbard, Barry Romo, representatives of PCPJ, Fellowship Of Reconciliation and
persons from Canada and Europe attended an Amnesty Action Conference in Toronto, Canada.
Al Hubbard said, “Third World” brothers—blacks,
Hispanics—received a disproportionate number of less than honorable discharges.
The VVAW dominated conference supported unconditional amnesty and sought to
expand its amnesty efforts beyond its PCPJ patron to include Clergy and Laity
Concerned, CALC, and the War Resisters League, WRL.
The May Toronto conference was followed by the
creation of VVAW clearinghouse on amnesty, by the Midwest Amnesty Conference of
the National Council for Universal and Unconditional Amnesty, NCUUA, in
September[31] and by an amnesty conference at Edgewater
College in Madison Wisconsin in October.[32]
In January 1974 Fellowship for Reconciliation, War Resisters League and the Women Strike
for Peace, WSP, held an organizational meeting for amnesty. FOR files indicate
the ACLU, AFSC, CALC, WRL, WSP and other organizations supported amnesty for deserters.[33]
On April 11-15, 1974 a VVAW National Steering Committee would reaffirm its dedication to fight against imperialism and fight
for amnesty for deserters. The National Unitarian Organization of Churches,
NUOC, agreed to help pay for the VVAW amnesty campaign. Demonstrations were planned for May 17-18, 1974 and July 1- 4, 1974.[34]
In June VVAW/WSO conducted workshops on amnesty
through the Washington Peace Center Amnesty Project focusing on VVAW’s
Discharge Upgrading Project[35] using a National Council of Churches, NCC, film,
“Amnesty or Exile” before church and peace groups.
On occasion in the
Washington region the conservative Young Americans for Freedom debated the
issue. On WMAL-Channel 7, Henry Swartzchild of ACLU, Sen. Claireborne Pell and
Rev. Sterling Morse of NCC favored amnesty. Sen. Strom Thurmond, Rep. Larry
Hogan and Brian Jones, VFW, opposed.[36]
Meanwhile Hanoi had released POWS according to their own schedule and agenda.
…VVAW Goes International in St. Louis
August 23-27, 1973 nearly 70 members of VVAW from 15 states attended the National steering
committee in St. Louis, Missouri. Discussions covered recruiting GI’s at bases
overseas and detecting and jamming U.S. electronic surveillance.
Barry Romo read a telegram from a Cambodian General “thanking the American people and the VVAW
for…stopping the bombing in Cambodia. …Keep up the good work.”[37]
Romo had been communicating with the
Cambodian shadow government of Norodom Sihanouk, which had fallen under Khmer
Rouge control in May.
The Khmer Rouge–butchers of two million people–would never be remembered for its good
works.  Bill Hager objected to the Marxist-Leninist slant of VVAW national—Sam Schorr and Venceremos Brigadier
Brian Adams. For such Bill Hager was deemed incapable of political growth.[38]
…VVAW Solidarity With Khmer Krahom: Barry Romo
In Paris December 8-9, 1973, VVAW members Barry Romo and Peter Zastrow attended a Conference of
Solidarity with the Cambodian People.
The Cambodian Khmer Krahom had previously awed the VVAW delegates at the WPC conference in Moscow.
Romo had faithfully reported the Cambodian communist agenda. The Khmer Krahom demanded
the U.S. stop bombing Cambodia and aiding the “puppet” Lon Nol regime. It also
and recognize the Khmer Krahom dominated Royal Government of National Union of
now puppet Prince Norodom Sihanouk. “With the rainy season ending shortly in
Cambodia, the liberation forces will be on the move and in need of as much support as we can give them.”
VVAW delegates to the Paris conference, Romo and Zastrow, vowed, “to continue our support of the
struggle of the people of Cambodia” against American bombing and the puppet Lon Nol.[39]
And the Cambodians made a chilling forecast: “They do not intend to settle for anything less than total victory.”[40]
Saloth Sâr, Pol Pot, brutal leader of the Khmer Krahom was on the payrolls of Vietnamese and Chinese Communists and
Paris trained. Sar was fan of utopian socialism and took his practical
political instruction from reading Lenin, Stalin and Mao in Paris cafes.
Communists Rain Artillery and Rockets on Fleeing Cambodians
Meanwhile, back in Cambodia
the NVA and Khmer Rouge rained artillery and rockets upon the civilian
population of Phnom Penh, Cambodia who fled to safety or hunkered down in
bunkers, ditches and behind sandbags.
Agence France Presse reported 100 dead and 300
wounded over four days.
Elizabeth Becker told readers of the Washington Post,
“One can only imagine that many more wounded and dead were lying undiscovered
in bunkers and ditches.” Becker noted, “Phenom Penh is now experiencing the war
the way countless other villages have during the past three years.”
An unidentified European women, said, “I saw a rocket land just ahead of me.
…bodies shot into the sky so I ran home and drank one scotch.”[41]
The woman left in a few days yet another witness removed from the scene of a secret war of artillery and
terror in Cambodia. The North Vietnamese communists and Khmer Krahom were  far more evil than America’s long pilloried
“secret” bombing reported in every day’s New York Times.
Conclusion
In “Vietnam-HD” Barry Romo was falsely identified as a spokesman for American veterans in Vietnam. He
was a willing and enthusiastic agent of Hanoi during the war. He and others
like him did not seek peace in Vietnam. They sought victory for the Communist enemy and a transformed America.
The horrific consequences for the peoples of Indochina cannot be fixed by a correction of Barry Romo’s curriculum vitae, but perhaps history can catch up with the truth.
POST WAR UPDATE: Transforming America
Revolutionary Union–Revolutionary Communist Party.
Besides aiding Hanoi Romo’s VVAW continued on a far leftist path to transform America under
their increasingly a false flag of veterans rights.
Many sympathetic historians of VVAW, FBI informers, and local police reports agree on the critical facts.
During 1973, members of the Maoist Robert Avakian’s Revolutionary Union, RU (in fall of 1975
renamed the Revolutionary Communist Party, RCP) became active in VVAW[42]
with Barry Romo’s support. The RU faction claimed to represent an activist
veteran’s “vanguard of revolutionary change.”
In supporting the Revolutionary
Union (Revolutionary Communist Party) faction, Barry Romo said VVAW had to
avoid becoming a “Petite bourgeois debating society.” It was a classic split
between Maoists and other communists, single issue versus multiple issue.[43]
Like Barry Romo, VVAW’s Joe Urgo was also a member of the Revolutionary Communist
Party USA, RCUSA along with SDs members Clark Kissinger and Carl Davidson.[44]
VVAW Honors Disloyal POWs
In 1973 The VVAW appily recognized and welcomed home the POW’s Peace Committee which had
voluntarily made propaganda broadcast for Hanoi from the “Hanoi Hilton” where other
POWs were tortured to confess war crimes. VVAW listed the names and address of
the collaborators in VVAW minutes and newsletters. [45]
This VVAW roll of honor was SSG John A. Young, Sp4 Michael Branch, SSG Robert
P. Chenoweth, SSG James A. Daly, Sgt. Abel L. Kavanaugh, SSG King David Rayford
Jr., SSG Alphonso Ray Riate, and Pvt. Frederick L. Elbert Jr.
The now Marxist VAW had dropped the commissioned officers, members of the ruling class Col.
Miller and Cmd. Wilber, from their honor roll. The VVAW was surely under orrect party discipline.
Revolutionary Communist Party
In the fall of 1974, RU became the Revolutionary Communist party (RCP). VVAW/WSO members Barry
Romo, Bill Davis, and Pete Zastrow numbered among the founders. Uncertain about taking over VVAW/ WSO Davis, Zastrow, and Romo were elected to the national
office. “Their takeover resulted in the disintegration of the organization. By
the fall of Saigon in May 1975, VVAW/WSO had become just another small eft-wing splinter group.”[46]
In December 1974 according o an FBI report, “VVAW/WSO leaders voted at the Nat’l. Steering Committee meeting
to align with the RU, which organization follows a strict Maoist line designed o bring about violent revolution in the U.S.”[47]
Celebrating Communist Victories
A VVAW/WSO letter ays, “The Vietnamese and Cambodians have won great victories …aided by
progressive people and organizations throughout the world … such as IPC and
VVAW/WSO. …We too will one day celebrate our victory over imperialism.”[48]
New York: Khmer Rouge Welcomed
Five months after te fall of Phnom Penh on September 6, 1975 IPC, VVAW/WSO, the Maoist
Revolutionary Union (Revolutionary Communist Party), and the CPUSA sponsored a
reception at John C. Bennett’s Union Theological Seminary to receive thanks
from two Kampuchea (Cambodian) generals and Vice Prime Minister Ieng Sary for te American left’s support against “U.S. imperialist forces.”[49]
The Americans members of the antiwar movement had helped unleash one of the most loodthirsty regimes in human history.
The National ffice Collective of VVAW/WSO had thought the Indochina Peace Campaign, IPC,
was insufficiently revolutionary for getting involved in electoral politics.
Revolutionary Tom Hayden has decided to run for the U.S. Senate in California.[50]
Planning to Disrupt America’s 200th Birthday
After the war Romo’s VAW’s sought to disrupt the 200th birthday of the Republic on July , 1976.
VVAW and Revolutionary Communist Party eadership
Dr. William Kintner, Professor at the University of Pennsylvania testified before the Senate  a rival July  4th Coalition, a radical group, the
Revolutionary Communist Party (formerly the Revolutionary Union) planned demonstrations
in Philadelphia on the Fourth of July 1976 under the slogan. “Get the rich
off our backs!” According to Kintner, “The  RCP, a Maoist-Communist group” sought to
organize thousands of through its own “RCP youth organization, the
Revolutionary Student Brigade and the Vietnam Vietnam Veterans Against the War,
which some consider an RCP front operation.”[51]
Promotional materials for the July 4th demonstrations showed Romo’s VVAW taking
a leading role from the beginning. ““It is in this spirit that the Vietnam
Veterans Against the War put out the original call…” And “The Unemployed
Workers Organizing Committee has since endorsed the rally, along with many
other fighting workers’ organizations.” Promotional materials listed The July
4th Coalition as including Vietnam Veterans Against the War, Unemployed Workers
Organizing Committee, Revolutionary Communist Party, Revolutionary Student Brigade and unspecified others.
The two key demands were to be “Jobs or Income Now” and “We Won’t Fight in a Rich Man’s War!”[52]
Inspector George Fenel, Philadelphia Police Department testified that the plans were to take
physical action for “Four Days of Raising Hell. Targets were “museums,
statues, forts.” And that “every time the rich celebrate, we should be there and be visible for the 4 days.”
VVAW and Barry Romo Lead Protest
Inspector Fenel alsodescribed Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) as the main organizer of a July
4th Coalition planning conference held on March 27 and 28, 1976, at New York
University in New York City attended by about 200 persons. The goal was 60,000
in march and rally where “We will do what we have to.”
The Rich Off Our Back July 4th Coalition split off from the main coalition. Barry Romo was among
its spokesman including June Cohen, Roger Tauss. Glen Kirby.[53]
By 1978, there was a split with Romo and others creating VVAW-AI [Anti-Imperialist] as an offshoot
of the larger VVAW/WSO. (Nicosia 2001, 312-313; Moser 1996, 127).
A number of sources allege that Barry Romo was a founding member of the Revolutionary
Communist Party, RCP. Some also show he had disputes with RCP. It appears he a
Maoist in VVAW created RCP along with VVAW members Bill Davis and Mike Zastrow
and with Maoist and Revolutionary Union member Robert Avakian.[54]
Romo Stays Left
Romo’s credentials have remained far left and associated with Communists and their fronts. A Chicago New Party (the Democratic Socialists of America,
ACORN and SEIU) mailing list circa 1993 included Barry Romo, VVAW.
In 1994 Barry Romo, Chicago was listed on a “Membership, Subscription and Mailing List”
for the Chicago Committees of Correspondence, an offshoot of the CPUSA.[55]
Barry Romo has been frequently cited and once published (May 27, 2005) in People’s World, self-described as a “direct descendant of the Dailey Worker…
We enjoy a special relationship with the Communist Party USA, founded in 1919, and publish its news and views.”
By 2007 on  VVAW stationary Romo condemns far leftists in VVAW. “The ultra-leftists, Trotskyists,
Maoists, Stalinists, anarchists, and Avakianoids are mostly estranged from
their own families, mostly active on campuses… and number in the thousands….Let’s
be clear. I don’t want them driven out of the movement or kept from speaking
(except for the Revolutionary Communist Party)…”[56]
In defending Marxist Ward Churchill, Romo condemned the Revolutionary Communist Party.
In opposing the Iraq War Romo has worked with radical, communist influenced antiwar organizationa just as he did in Vietnam.
Romo’s complaints about RCP and Communists are tactical and sectarian, not fundamental.
As a moderator at the VVAW’s “Winter Soldier” investigation of American war crimes in Detroit (
January 31, 1971, February 1 and 2, 1971) Barry Romo said, “[T]he pacification
program…consisted of moving or forcing villagers to leave their homes…to deny
them to the Communists….I saw the use of artillery fire against civilian
targets… with no regard taken for the Vietnamese. I saw rice stolen from
Vietnamese because it was considered too much for them to have. I saw also a
general racist attitude by most Americans towards the Vietnamese.”[57]
Romo said that the My Lai murder of innocent civilians was “general policy and not an isolated
incident. We’re trained… to kill…. It is not the fault of Lieutenant Calley. It
is not the fault of the infantryman in his platoon, but the fault of the U.S.
government and the U.S. military…The whole system is… set up to dehumanize us
and to make everybody we see a nonhuman so that we can kill them. It would be
impossible with our background to go into a village and kill a woman and child
unless we looked at those people as nonhumans…. that’s how we look at the Vietnamese.”[58]

[1]
Veterans: Jack Calhoun, William Cathcart, Jerry Chodick, Gerry Condon, Donald
Duncan, Jan Barry Crumb, Jack Godoy, Frank Hoffman, Al Hubbard, Pfc. James
Johnson, Bill Jones, John Kerry, Dee Knight, Steve Krauss, Robert Levine, Bob
Marinaro, Peter Martinsen, Donald McDonough, Robert Bruce MacLeod, Dennis Mora,
James Purdy, Barry Romo, David Samas, John Seeley, Mike Spector, David Kenneth
Tuck, Terry Whitmore and many others.

[2] E.g. WILPF’s Carol Pendell consulted with KGB officer, Sergi Paramanov, First
Secretary of the Soviet Mission.  John
Barron, KGB Today, Reader’s Digest Press, 1983, 242-3. VVAW had a number
of Soviet bloc contacts.

[3] Tim Wheeler and Gene
Tournour, “Vets Dump Medals, Nixon Ducks March,” Daily World, April 23,
1971 at Wintersoldier.com … CDW0424_1.jpg

[4] Vietnam HD, History Channel, November
2011.

[5] Tim Wheeler and Gene
Tournour, “Vets Dump Medals, Nixon Ducks March,” Daily World, April 23,
1971 at Wintersoldier.com … CDW0424_1.jpg

[6] ttp://www.homeofheroes.com/valor/0_DSC/4_rvn/dsc_rvn_list.html

[7] tp://www.homeofheroes.com/medals/purple_heart/purple_heart.html

[8] Pitkins recollections are a http://www.wintersoldier.com/staticpages/index.php?page=YesterdaysLies1. Armond Noble, publisher of
Military magazine, says that phony vts often have chests filled with medals worn in inappropriate patterns.

[9 Directive No. 31 OT/TV, pril 28, 1971 captured in the field by the 23rd infantry Division
forwarded to Commander, United States Military Assistance Command, Vietnam
(COMUSMACV) and to Combined Documents Exploitation Center, CDEC, at the
United States Military Assistance Command, Saigon, Vietnam. Directive 31 is
CDEC Doc Log No. 05-1660-71 and item number 2150901041 on line at the Vietnam
Archive at Texas Tech. Also cited in small part in Thomas Lipscomb, “Hanoi
Approved of Role Played by Anti-War Vets, New York Sun, October 26, 2004
at nysun.com/article/7356A. The Combined Documentation Exploitation Center
(CDEC) was created in October 1966 under the MACV Assistant Chief of Staff for
Intelligence (J-2), with the mission of receiving and exploiting captured enemy
documents as a source of military intelligence for assessments and
planning.

[1o] BI, VVAW, Member[s] of ubject organization, n.d., 6.

[11] Scot Swett and Tim Zigler cite transcripts of recorded messages from US servicemen captured
in South Vietnam, August 1971, FBI VVAW, HQ 100-448092, section 11, 174-181.

[12] “Pham Van Dong Receives Two
Antiwar Delegations,” Hanoi International News Service, 1557 GMT, August 26,
1971, TTU Archive cited in Rothrock, Divided…171n35

[13] FBI, Houston to Director,
Teletype, URGENT April 12,  1972 list
names. For reasons unknown three names were redacted under FOIA- George Smith,
David Ross and Marty Jordan on Jan 1, 1994; FBI, Acting Director to SACs (List
Albany St. Louis), VVAW-IS-Revolutionary Activities, URGENT TELETYPE May 2,
1972, 7.

[14] FBI, Domestic Intelligence Division, Informative Note, April 12, 1972.

[15] FBI, fragment CV 100-31431, 3.

[16] FBI, New Haven memo, VVAW, May 31, 1972.

[17] FBI, St. Louis to Acting
Director, VVAW-IS-RA, 7;56 PM NITEL, May 12, 1972; FBI fragment May 24,1972,
file 100-448092, 2481-9

[18] FBI, Acting Director to
President, COLIFAM, internal Security-Revolutionary Activities, 6:05AM December
12, 1972

[19] Fourth Estate (University of Colorado), February 20, 1973 cited in FBI, Denver, Memo, “VVAW,
Appearance of Barry Romo, National Coordinator, in Colorado, February 15-16,
1973,” Denver, February 27, 1973; FBI, Legat Rome to Acting Director, VVAW,
IS-RA, Hilev, TELETYPE 4:30 PM January 30, 1973.

[20] Truong Nhu Tang cited in Larry Berman, No Peace, No Honor, 216.

[21] Eschmann, 179N22.

[22] Eschmann, 202-203.

[23] FBI, Legat Rome to Acting Director, VVAW, IS-RA, Hilev, TELETYPE 4:30 PM January 30, 1973.

[24] Eschmann, 74-5 cites: W. Hays Parks, “Line Backer and the Law of War,” Air University
Review
, Vol. 34, No. 2, (January-February 1983), 18.

[25] Eschmann, 80 N 27 cites:
Brig. Gen. James R. McCarthy, Et Al, U.S.A.F., Linebacker II,
Airpower Research Institute, Maxwell AFB, Al, 1979, 46-47.

[26] Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: A History, 653

[27] FBI, Chicago to acting Director, VVAW-IS-Ra Protests During Presidential Inaugural Ceremonies,
TELETYPE 756pM URGENT January 9, 1973

[28] FBI, Tampa to Acting
Director, VVAW-IS-RA, TELEYPE 8:15 PM January 16, 1973.

[29] FBI, Kansas City, Demonstrations During Presidential Inauguration, 1973” LHM, January 30, 1973;
FBI, Washington, “Protests During Presidential Inauguration, 1973,” LHM, February 5, 1973.

[30] Acting Director to Chicago, VVAW National Steering Committee Meeting Placitas, New Mexico, 4/19-23/73,
April 12, 1973;

[31] St. John’s Unitarian Church in Cincinnati, Ohio, September 21-23, 1973.

[32] October 26-28, 1973; FBI, [Redacted] to Acting Director, VVAW/WSO. IS-RA,
TELETYPE 7:23 PM URGENT April 26, 1973; FBI Jacksonville, LHM, VVAW/Winter
Soldier Organization, April 30, 1973; SAC, Denver to Director, VVAW-IS-RA, July
30, 1973; FBI, Cincinnati to Director, “Proposed Midwest Amnesty Conference,
Sponsored by VVAW, Cincinnati, 9/21-23/73,” NITEL, 613 PM, September 18, 1973
CFR; FBI, [REDACTED] to Director, “Proposed Midwest Amnesty Conference,
Sponsored by VVAW, Cincinnati, 9/21-23/73,” NITEL 742 PM September 24, 1973.

[33] Records of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, USA,(FOR-USA), files of Jack Travers, Amnesty Coordinator,
DG 013, Section 2, Series G, G-8, Box 22,23, 24,25 Swarthmore College Library at Swarthmore.edu/library/peace.

[34] FBI, Milwaukee to Director,
VVAW/WSO National Steering Committee; Milwaukee, Wis., April 11-15,
1974.IS-VVAW/WSO. 00: Chicago. TELETYPE, 11:15PMTVKNITEL April 14, 1974, 1-2;
Newsletter, Washington Peace Center, June 1974, July 1974.

[35] Newsletter, Washington Peace Center, June 1974.

[36] Newsletter, Washington Peace Center, July 1974.

[37] FBI, [REDACTED] to
Director, VVAW/WSO National Steering Committee Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri,
6/23-27/73, IS-VVAW-WSO, TELETYPE, 12-35 PM URGENT August 31, 1973; FBI, St.
Louis to Director, VVAW/WSO National Steering Committee Meeting, St. Louis,
Missouri, 6/23-27/73, IS-VVAW-WSO, TELETYPE, 1120 PM NITEL August 27, 1973.

[38] FBI, [REDACTED] to Director, VVAW/WSO; IS-RA, TELETYPE, 1114PM NITEL September 19, 1973.

[39] “Two VVAW/WSO Members Attend Conference on Cambodia,” National Office, Newsletter #16, Dec. 5. 1973, 3.

[40] VVAW, National Office, Newsletter, # 14, November 1973, 12-13.

[41] Elizabeth Becker, “The Agony of Phnom Penh… On
Edge As Insurgents Escalate Artillery Fire,” Washington Post, January 28, 1974, A-1.

[42] Mark D. Harmon, Found, Featured, then Forgotten: U.S. Network TV News and the Vietnam Veterans
Against the War, Knoxville: New Found Press,
2011, Digital version at
www.newfoundpress.utk.edu/pubs/harmon
[43] Jeanne Friedman cited in Andrew Hunt, The Turning: A History of Vietnam Veterans
Against  the War
, New York University Press, 180n60; Barry Romo at  181.
[44] National Office Collective of VVAW/WSO to Dear IPC members, June 3, 1975.
[45] “Eight POWs Charged,” Weekly Indochina News Report, VVAW, Number 4, June 29, 1973.
[46] Vietnam Vets, “John Kerry and VVAW (Vietnam Veterans Against the War), Bella Ciao, Sunday August 29, 2004 – 22:36,
http://bellaciao.org/en/spip.php?article3093
[47] FBI Rpt. 12/15/75, S 75, p. 171-172.
[48] National Office Collective of VVAW/WSO to Dear IPC members, June 3, 1975.
[49] FBI, VVAW/WSO, fragment, October 8, 1975.
[50] National Office Collective of VVAW/WSO to Dear IPC members, June 3, 1975.
[51] THREATS TO THE PEACEFUL OBSERVANCE OF THE
BICENTENNIAL
, Hearing Before The Subcommittee To Investigate To Investigate
The Administration Of The Internal Security Act And Other Internal Security
Laws Of The Committee On The Judiciary  of
The United States Senate, Ninety-Fourth
Congress, Second Session June 18, 1976, 75-425 Washington 1976, p. 19.
http://www.archive.org/stream/threatstopeacefu00unit/threatstopeacefu00unit_djvu.txt
[52] “Fight Back July 4!…”, pamphlet,  RICH OFF OUR BACKS JULY 4TH COALITION, Revolutionary Student Brigade, Chicago, “The
Revolutionary Communist Party has forwarded to us  your request for copies…” Appendix to[11] THREATS TO THE PEACEFUL OBSERVANCE OF THE
BICENTENNIAL
, Hearing Before The Subcommittee To Investigate To Investigate
The Administration Of The Internal Security Act And Other Internal Security
Laws Of The Committee On The Judiciary of  The United States Senate,
Ninety-Fourth Congress, Second Session June 18, 1976, 75-425 Washington 1976, 109.
http://www.archive.org/stream/threatstopeacefu00unit/threatstopeacefu00unit_djvu.txt p. 109.
[53] THREATS TO THE PEACEFUL OBSERVANCE OF THE
BICENTENNIAL
, Hearing Before The Subcommittee To Investigate To Investigate
The Administration Of The Internal Security Act And Other Internal Security Laws
Of The Committee On The Judiciary of  The United States Senate,
Ninety-Fourth Congress, Second Session June 18, 1976, 75-425 Washington 1976,p.
40. http://www.archive.org/stream/threatstopeacefu00unit/threatstopeacefu00unit_djvu.txt
[54] As a Founder of Revolutionary Communist Party along with other VVAW members, Bill Davis and  Pete Zastrow. Maoist founder Robert Akavian is
unmentioned here in a discussion of internal VVAW factions. Ssee: Melvin Small and William D. Hoover
(eds.), Give Peace a Chance: Exploring the Vietnam Antiwar Movement : Essays from the Charles Debenedetti  Memorial Conference, Syracuse: Syracuse
Studies on Peace and Conflict Resolution, June 1992, p. 152, note 24. http://books.google.com/books?id=j-AUuKaDCKUC&pg=PA152&lpg=PA152&dq=barry+romo+%22revolutionary+communist+party%22&source=bl&ots=1T4m4vVbDh&sig=Nu5q0r5cDwDeg1VrpeNbDh_vaDk&hl=en&ei=iznLTtCXG6nYiQLUgqTBCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=2&ved=0CCMQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage&q=barry%20romo%20%22revolutionary%20communist%20party%22&f=false;
Romo as RCP activist in disputes among  VVAW members in Riverside County  California, see:  eyewitness Steve Hassna, “VietNam Veterans
Against the War – Part II 1975 and Into the Abyss,”  http://www.sonomacountyfreepress.com/hassna/vvaw2.html;
Romo as part of a RCP, Maoist take over of VVAW in 1971-1972 see: Tim Ziegler, Scott
Swett and Max Friedman, “Interview with Max Friedman,” The Inquisition, Right
Talk Radio, July 4, 2005, transcript at www.tosettherecordstraight.com/staticpages/index.Php?p…j.
[57] Barry Romo, The Veteran, Fall 2007, Volume 37, No. 2.
[58] Also, “All it has been has been the atrocities that have been committed and not the reasons
why. And it boils down to one thing, and that’s racism.” Third World Panel, Part
I, http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Resources/Primary/Winter_Soldier/WS_32_3d_World.html
[59]
“Americal Division,” Winter Soldier Investigation. http://www.wintersoldier.com/staticpages/index.php?page=2004031620223057&mode=print
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drive a stake in the heart of the grand myths
…a vital piece of work,
necessary to any meaningful comprehension.” BILL LAURIE, Co-author Whitewash
Blackwash: Myths of the Vietnam War,
1st Lt. US Army (Ret) and defense attaché (1971-1975).
“A terrific history of the second front,” PROFESSOR
VICTOR COMERCHERO, Sacramento State Univ., former radical antiwar activist.
“A damn good piece of work” MIKE BENGE, contributor to Washington
Times
, History Channel, POW (1968-73), Vietnam: US Marines, 1956-1959,
International Voluntary Services (IVS), 1963-65; Foreign Service Officer, USAID, 1963-68.
“Wow. Impressivetour de force. I have never seen this breadth of information on the anti-war
crowd…A real jewel. Will make research of other Vietnam War scholars much
easier.” LT. COL. JAMES K. BRUTON, US Army SFT, Counterinsurgency Vietnam 1972.
“A tremendous project.” SCOTT SWETT, co-author To Set the
Record Straight
Webmaster, Swift Boats Veterans and POWs for Truth,
wintersoldier.com, tosettherecordstraight.com
“Massive study of the Hanoi Lobby” MAX
FRIEDMAN, National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, New Mobilization, Student Mobe, Washington Mobe and
correspondent in So. Vietnam. Co-author The Human Cost of Communism in Vietnam, 1972.
“Canfield amply documents a small group of New Left radicals who subverted the efforts of the US
military in Vietnam with pro-Communist propaganda and disinformation campaigns
in America.” JAMES McLEROY, 1st Lt., Army Special Forces, I Corps, 1967-68.
“I have been waiting for a book like Canfield’s for 40 years.” JACK J. GOERHRING III, Psychological War, Capt. US Army, Vietnam 1968-69.
“Takes the whole antiwar-activists-as-sincere-liberators myth and trashes
it… sets fire to the pile of pieces.  Wow.
A… truly monumental achievement.”
R. J. DEL VECCHIO Co-author Whitewash
Blackwash: Myths of the Vietnam War,
Cpl. Marine combat
photographer, 1st Marine Division, Vietnam (1967-8),
Amazing…dig so deep and see so far ahead.” THU-MINH
HUYNH, son of Gen. Huynh Cao
Recorded as the author has written” GEN.
HUYNH VAN CAO, Cdr. ARVN, 7th Division, 1961-63.
How well the NVA played the
political war
…should be known before all the veterans of the war die.” MIKE O’CONNELL, 101st Airmobile
Division, 1969-1970.
Promotes historical truths… and unfolds the ugly, shameful and mischievous acts of the
anti-war liberals and leftists in the USA and all over the world
. Joachim Le
“Masterpiece”, HUNG LE.

[1] Activist anti-war Veterans: Jack Calhoun, William Cathcart, Jerry Chodick, Gerry Condon, Donald
Duncan, Jan Barry Crumb, Jack Godoy, Frank Hoffman, Al Hubbard, Pfc. James
Johnson, Bill Jones, John Kerry, Dee Knight, Steve Krauss, Robert Levine, Bob
Marinaro, Peter Martinsen, Donald McDonough, Robert Bruce MacLeod, Dennis Mora,
James Purdy, Barry Romo, David Samas, John Seeley, Mike Spector, David Kenneth
Tuck, Joe Urgo, Terry Whitmore and many others in full text of Comrades in Arms.
[2] E.g.WILPF’s Carol Pendell consulted with KGB officer, Sergi Paramanov, First
Secretary of the Soviet Mission.  John Barron, KGB Today, Reader’s Digest Press, 1983, 242-3. VVAW had a number
of Soviet bloc contacts.
[3] Tim Wheeler and Gene Tournour, “Vets Dump Medals, Nixon Ducks March,” Daily World, April 23,
1971 at Wintersoldier.com … CDW0424_1.jpg
[4] Vietnam HD, History Channel, November 2011.
[5] Tim Wheeler and Gene Tournour, “Vets Dump Medals, Nixon Ducks March,” Daily World, April 23,
1971 at Wintersoldier.com … CDW0424_1.jpg
[8] Pitkins recollections are at http://www.wintersoldier.com/staticpages/index.php?page=YesterdaysLies1. Armond Noble, publisher of
Military magazine, says that phony vets often have chests filled with medals worn in inappropriate patterns.
[9] Directive No. 31 OT/TV, April 28, 1971 captured in the field by the 23rd infantry Division
forwarded to Commander, United States Military Assistance Command, Vietnam
(COMUSMACV) and to Combined Documents Exploitation Center, CDEC, at the
United States Military Assistance Command, Saigon, Vietnam. Directive 31 is
CDEC Doc Log No. 05-1660-71 and item number 2150901041 on line at the Vietnam
Archive at Texas Tech. Also cited in small part in Thomas Lipscomb, “Hanoi
Approved of Role Played by Anti-War Vets, New York Sun, October 26, 2004
at nysun.com/article/7356A. The Combined Documentation Exploitation Center
(CDEC) was created in October 1966 under the MACV Assistant Chief of Staff for
Intelligence (J-2), with the mission of receiving and exploiting captured enemy
documents as a source of military intelligence for assessments and planning.
[10] FBI, VVAW, Member[s] of subject organization, n.d., 6.
[11] Scott Swett and Tim Ziegler cite transcripts of recorded messages from US servicemen
captured in South Vietnam, August 1971, FBI VVAW, HQ 100-448092, section 11, 174-181.
[12] “Pham Van Dong Receives Two
Antiwar Delegations,” Hanoi International News Service, 1557 GMT, August 26,
1971, TTU Archive cited in Rothrock, Divided…171n35
[13] FBI, Houston to Director, Teletype, URGENT April 12,  1972 list names.
For reasons unknown three names were redacted under FOIA- George Smith, David
Ross and Marty Jordan on Jan 1, 1994; FBI, Acting Director to SACs (List Albany
St. Louis), VVAW-IS-Revolutionary Activities, URGENT TELETYPE May 2, 1972, 7.
[14] FBI, Domestic Intelligence Division, Informative Note, April 12, 1972.
[15] FBI, fragment CV 100-31431, 3.
[16] FBI, New Haven memo, VVAW, May 31, 1972.
[17] FBI, St. Louis to Acting Director, VVAW-IS-RA, 7;56 PM NITEL, May 12, 1972; FBI fragment May 24,1972,
file 100-448092, 2481-9
[18] FBI, Acting Director to President, COLIFAM, internal Security-Revolutionary Activities, 6:05AM December 12, 1972
[19] Fourth Estate (University of Colorado), February 20, 1973 cited in FBI, Denver, Memo, “VVAW,
Appearance of Barry Romo, National Coordinator, in Colorado, February 15-16,
1973,” Denver, February 27, 1973; FBI, Legat Rome to Acting Director, VVAW,
IS-RA, Hilev, TELETYPE 4:30 PM January 30, 1973.
[20] Truong Nhu Tang cited in Larry Berman, No Peace, No Honor, 216.
[21] Karl J. Eschmann, Linebacker: The Untold Story of the Air Raids Over North Vietnam, New York: Ballantine Books, 1989, 179N22.
[22] Eschmann, 202-203.
[23] FBI, Legat Rome to Acting Director, VVAW, IS-RA, Hilev, TELETYPE 4:30 PM January 30, 1973.
[24] Eschmann, 74-5 cites: W. Hays Parks, “Line Backer and the Law of War,” Air University
Review
, Vol. 34, No. 2, (January-February 1983), 18.
[25] Eschmann, 80 N 27 cites: Brig. Gen. James R. McCarthy, Et Al, U.S.A.F., Linebacker II,
Airpower Research Institute, Maxwell AFB, Al, 1979, 46-47.
[26] Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: A History, 653
[27] FBI, Chicago to acting Director, VVAW-IS-Ra Protests During Presidential Inaugural Ceremonies,
TELETYPE 756pM URGENT January 9, 1973
[28] FBI, Tampa to Acting Director, VVAW-IS-RA, TELEYPE 8:15 PM January 16, 1973.
[29] FBI, Kansas City, Demonstrations During Presidential Inauguration, 1973” LHM, January 30, 1973;
FBI, Washington, “Protests During Presidential Inauguration, 1973,” LHM, February 5, 1973.
[30] Acting Director to Chicago,
VVAW National Steering Committee Meeting Placitas, New Mexico, 4/19-23/73, April 12, 1973;
[31] St. John’s Unitarian Church in Cincinnati, Ohio, September 21-23, 1973.
[32] October 26-28, 1973; FBI, [Redacted] to Acting Director, VVAW/WSO. IS-RA,
TELETYPE 7:23 PM URGENT April 26, 1973; FBI Jacksonville, LHM, VVAW/Winter
Soldier Organization, April 30, 1973; SAC, Denver to Director, VVAW-IS-RA, July
30, 1973; FBI, Cincinnati to Director, “Proposed Midwest Amnesty Conference,
Sponsored by VVAW, Cincinnati, 9/21-23/73,” NITEL, 613 PM, September 18, 1973
CFR; FBI, [REDACTED] to Director, “Proposed Midwest Amnesty Conference,
Sponsored by VVAW, Cincinnati, 9/21-23/73,” NITEL 742 PM September 24, 1973.
[33] Records of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, USA,(FOR-USA), files of Jack Travers, Amnesty Coordinator,
DG 013, Section 2, Series G, G-8, Box 22,23, 24,25 Swarthmore College Library at Swarthmore.edu/library/peace.
[34] FBI, Milwaukee to Director, VVAW/WSO National Steering Committee; Milwaukee, Wis., April 11-15,
1974.IS-VVAW/WSO. 00: Chicago. TELETYPE, 11:15PMTVKNITEL April 14, 1974, 1-2;
Newsletter, Washington Peace Center, June 1974, July 1974.
[35] Newsletter, Washington Peace Center, June 1974.
[36] Newsletter, Washington Peace Center, July 1974.
[37] FBI, [REDACTED] to
Director, VVAW/WSO National Steering Committee Meeting, St. Louis, Missouri,
6/23-27/73, IS-VVAW-WSO, TELETYPE, 12-35 PM URGENT August 31, 1973; FBI, St.
Louis to Director, VVAW/WSO National Steering Committee Meeting, St. Louis,
Missouri, 6/23-27/73, IS-VVAW-WSO, TELETYPE, 1120 PM NITEL August 27, 1973.
[38] FBI, [REDACTED] to Director,
VVAW/WSO; IS-RA, TELETYPE, 1114PM NITEL September 19, 1973.
[39] “Two VVAW/WSO Members
Attend Conference on Cambodia,” National Office, Newsletter #16, Dec. 5. 1973, 3.
[40] VVAW, National Office, Newsletter, # 14, November 1973, 12-13.
[41] Elizabeth Becker, “The Agony of Phnom Penh… On Edge As Insurgents Escalate
Artillery Fire,” Washington Post, January 28, 1974, A-1.
Categories
California Politics Clean Water Act Environmental Extremism

“Clean Water” Lawyers Clean Out Colfax

Lawyers trying to clean out Colfax

Colfax Record, 6/10/10

Bruce Kranz, Colfax City Manager

On May 12, the Colfax City Council unanimously declared the city faced
unreasonable hardship, even bankruptcy, if it were not allowed to make
installment payments on massive monetary judgments impending against the city.

The citizens and taxpayers of Colfax deserve to know the truth about lawsuits against the city.

Lawyers for Clean Water are surely all for cleaning up Colfax … and then some.

As is well-known to the poor citizens of the city, Colfax has been struggling for
some years to clean up an old, tired, leaking, sewage system.

The city has borrowed money, increased fees and received grants to build a new
state-of-the-art sewage treatment plant and now to begin to replace miles of
old pipes, both public and private.

Under existing law the new plant must produce water cleaner — in the case of copper
100 times cleaner — than drinking water.

That’s the law and the Colfax plant complies, but its pipes do not. There is a long
way, many miles of pipe, and many million dollars to go, but the city is trying
to do the best it can to comply with the law and protect the public’s health.

In the midst of this mess and fiscal nightmare, Lawyers for Clean Water, have
flown into town, allegedly to assist damaged neighbors suing the city.

In fact, San Francisco-based lawyers paid $550 an hour, eating a celebratory $125
lunch at Il Fornaio and giving 40 percent tips are acting like vultures feasting upon Colfax like it was roadkill.

Perhaps they think they are dealing with country mountain hicks, who won’t catch what they are doing.

Lawyers for Clean Water, doing business as Environmental Law Foundation, might be more
accurately called Lawyers to Clean Out Colfax. They seem bent on picking the pockets of penniless Colfax.

Instead of honoring a contract — a settlement — they signed to limit attorney fees,
they are demanding fees and costs more than triple the settlement cap they previously agreed to.

They are demanding exorbitant attorney fees, as much as $550 an hour and
reimbursements for costs, such as $125 lunches.

They are demanding preemptive, immediate payment for services not yet completed in
the ongoing case and without a hearing to determine the reasonableness of their
fees and costs. They are double billing, back billing, the city’s taxpayers for
services for which they have already been paid.

They want to pay an apprentice lawyer with 18 months experience in environmental law
$350 an hour.

They are claiming lawyer time well over twice that of the city’s attorney doing the
same work, on the same motions on the same case.

They want to be paid unsubstantiated, undocumented and unexplained cost for
computers, travel, research economist, meals etc.

We are appealing to the judge to hold payments until the end; cap fees to the
limit agreed to in the settlement; accept reasonable fees for lawyers in the
Sacramento region rather than San Francisco; and to allow the city to pay
annual installments.

Lawyers ought to be paid reasonable fees and no more.

 

 

Categories
Comrades in Arms Vietnam

Kent State: The Rest of the Story

Students Killed at Kent State and Jackson State
New Perspectives
Poorly understood and historically distorted events at Kent State in April 1970 turned millions
against the war.
Ohio National Guardsmen killed four students and wounded nine without readily apparent reason. Kent State
became another exemplar of how the U.S. government was conducting a uniquely
illegal and immoral war in Vietnam and on the very streets of America. The
background and context of radical political activities before and after those
events may perhaps offer new perspectives.
Radical Students for a Democratic Society Were Active at Kent State
At Kent State University in Ohio[1] for two years Weatherman Terry Robbins, SDS regional traveler, had helped Rick
and Candy Erickson and Weatherman and red diaper baby Howie Emmer organize[2]
a radical and militant chapter of the SDS ranging from six to 30 members.[3]
They operated out of the “Haunted House” on Ash Street up the hill from the fictional
“Bates Motel” in Alfred Hitchcock’s film classic “Psycho.”[4]
Assaulting Cops
A year before the killings, on April 8, 1969 six SDS members (No first name) Dimarco, Colin S. Neiberger,
George Gibeaut, Howard Emmer, Edward Erickson and Jeff David Powell—had been
arrested for assaulting campus cops at Kent State.[5]
Other SDS members at Kent State were Tim Butz, Joyce Cecora, Colin Neiburger and Mark Real.
Revolutionaries
Debbie Shryock of the Kent Daily Stater, wrote, ”They were…bent on destroying the university. They
were determined to start revolution here.”[6]
Many SDS national leaders visited the Haunted House, Bill Ayers, Corky Benedict, Katie Boudin, Lisa Meisel, Jim Mellen, Carl Oglesby, Diana Oughton, and Mark Rudd.
On April 28, 1969, Bernardine Dohrn had told students there to arm for revolution. On another occasion Jerry Rubin had said, “Until you are ready to kill your parents, you’re not ready to change this country.”[7]
Other groups at Kent State were the Young Socialist Alliance, YSL, Student Mobilization and Moratorium
Committee—all vigorous opponents of ROTC on campus.
Communists
Senior Professor Sidney L. Jackson, a lifelong communist activist of the CPUSA, was the faculty advisor to Kent State Committee to End the War,[8]
Among whose members were red diaper baby Howie Emmer, Bob Erlich, Joe Walsh,
Rick Erickson and Robin Marks. YSLer Mike Alewitz was leader of the Kent State Mobilization Against the War.
Weathermen Arrive on Scene: “Join the Americong…”
In early May 1970 cars arrived from Illinois and New York, home turfs of the Weather SDS, Bill Ayers
and others. In requesting help from the Governor, Kent Mayor Leroy told a grand
jury that two cars of Weathermen had arrived.[9]
The out of town contingent emerged with walkie-talkies and armbands. The
SDS Weather controlled Revolutionary Printing Cooperative Committee produced a
leaflet distributed at Kent State showing white radicals carrying rifles
captioned, “Join the Americong…Be an Outlaw. The Time is right for fighting
in the streets.” [10]
Not Students
Some of the most prominently witnessed leaders of the riots, Jerry Rupe, Rick Felber, Doug Cormak, Peter
Bleik, Thomas Foglesong and Thomas Miller, were not students of Kent State
University.[11] Witnesses later reported overhearing talk of meetings planning riots and the
burning of the ROTC building on campus[12] including gathering rocks[13],
railroad flares, and machetes. Students warned merchants to post signs
protesting the war in Vietnam and Cambodia or face damages to their stores.[14]
City of Kent: Days of Rage Before National Guard Called Out
Indistinguishable from the Weathermen “Days of Rage” in the streets of Chicago in October 1969, for three
days May 1-3, 1970 mobs surged through the streets of Kent, Ohio and the
university campus breaking windows, setting fires, burning the ROTC building,
attacking photographers, firemen and policemen and cutting fire hoses.[15]
Ohio Governor James Rhodes compared the mobs to Nazi brown shirts, Communists, nightriders and vigilantes.
They were “well-trained, militant” revolutionaries”.[16] [17]
Twenty-three faculty members of Kent State signed a leaflet distributed by the hundreds deploring the
Governor’s deployment of the National Guard saying the burning of the ROTC
building had to be taken in the “larger context of the daily burning of buildings
and people by our government in Vietnam, Laos and now Cambodia.” This faculty
minority demanded the removal of the National Guard, the end of “martial law”
and “greater understanding of the issues …contributing to the burning of ROTC building….”[18]
Only after the trashing of the city and the burning of the ROTC building, on May 4, 1970 had the Governor
called out the Ohio National Guardsmen.
Mobs Attack National Guard
Hundreds of students and nonstudents advanced upon the Guardsmen shouting obscenities and yelling KILL,
KILL, KILL.”[19] According to various witnesses and photographs the mob bombarded the Guardsmen
with bricks, concrete, golf clubs, baseball bats, spiked golf balls, sling
shots and ball bearings, razor embedded blocks of wood and bags of excrement.
Sniper Fire Reported
Radios of the National Guard and State Police reported sniper fire. Retreating up a hill one or more shots,
not from the Guard’s M-1 rifles according to contemporary witnesses, rang out.[20]
A TV reporter, Fred DeBrine of WKYC, claimed to have seen and overheard Kent
State student and FBI informant and photographer, Terry Norman, handing a
revolver to a police officer and saying “I was afraid they were going to kill
me, so I took out my revolver, and I fired it the air and into the ground.” [21]
Gunfire Confirmed in 2010
Such gunfire prior to the shootings of the Ohio National Guard was in dispute until a digitally mastered
copy of an audiotape of that day revealed new evidence in October 2010:
Kent State student and law
enforcement photographer, Terry Norman, was surrounded by an angry mob recorded
shouting, “They got someone” followed by “Kill Him, Kill Him.” Thereafter, the
sound of a digitally identical .38 caliber revolver is heard followed by “Whack
that [expletive]”and three more .38 caliber shots.
Then a command, “prepare to fire.”[22]
A contemporary photo shows Terry Norman in the protection of Ohio National
Guardsmen.[23] A perhaps guilt-ridden Terry Norman has since told many stories, denied firing
his .38 and avoided interviews, but the forensic evidence now seems to place
him in self-defense precipitating a human tragedy.
13 Seconds of Hell
Seventy seconds later, frightened and undisciplined members of the National Guard, 29 out of 77
guardsmen, returned rifle fire 67 times for 13 seconds killing four
students—Allison Krause, Jeffrey Miller[24], Sandra Scheuer, William Schroeder– and wounding nine others.
Fateful Photo Forever Condemns U.S. Government
In a Pulitzer Prize winning John Filo photo, a tall 14-year-old runaway girl from a Florida junior high
school, Mary Ann Vecchio, was forever remembered kneeling, screaming with arms
outstretched over the prostate body of an innocent student bystander Jeffrey Miller.[25]
(There a similar photo of a woman holding the head of Benno Ohnessorg shot by a
West German policeman in a 1967 protest. The policeman, Karl-Heinz Kurras, was
a paid agent of the Stasi, the East German Secret Police. The “fascist” police
murder mobilized the German Left.[26])
The Filo photo and news coverage radicalized thousands.
Jerry Rubin who had told Kent State students,
“Until you are ready to kill your parents, you’re not ready to change this
country.”[27]
“radicalized, revolutionized and yippized”
About the bloodshed, Rubin said, “In 48 hours more young people were radicalized, revolutionized and
yippized than in any single time in American history.”[28]
According to Bob Haldeman’s diary, President Nixon upon being told of the student deaths
was “very disturbed. Afraid his (Cambodian) decision set it off, and that is
the ostensible cause of the demonstrations there.”[29]
Kent Makes Effective Soviet Propaganda
Kent State provided the stuff for Soviet agit-prop[30] such as Soviet poet
Yevgeny Yevtushenko’s Bullets don’t like people / who love flowers, a
propaganda piece, published in Pravda, the official newspaper of the
Communist Party of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The poem was a
eulogy for 19-year-old protester and victim Allison Krause. The day before she
was quoted as saying “Flowers are better than bullets.” Yevtushenko’s
poem was both a condemnation of the war and a call to arms to overthrow
capitalism to “become a legion of flowers… armed with bullets.”[31]
To this day the photo of Mary Ann Vecchio hangs in Hanoi’s war museums.
Photo: Iconic Kent State photo,  War Remnants Museum wall, Roger Canfield, March
2008:.[32]
FBI Investigation
FBI Director Hoover privately reported, but did not publicly conclude that FBI investigations
showed rioting students and nonstudents at fault, as would ultimately a Special
Ohio Grand Jury and the families of the student victims.
Yet Jerris Leonard of the Justice Department, who had prosecutorial responsibility (and political
vulnerability) publicly claimed the FBI had concluded the Guard was at fault[33]
and on June 15, 1970 J. Walter Yeagley, Assistant Attorney General for Internal
Security wrote Hoover, “the evidence was insufficient to warrant presentation
…to a grand jury.” Hoover scrawled on the memo, “The usual run around by the do nothing Div.”[34]
Scranton Commission
Nixon appointed Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton to lead a Commission on Kent State, which would call
the actions of the National Guard “unnecessary, unwarranted, and inexcusable.”
Ohio Grand Jury
Thinking otherwise, Ohio Governor James Rhoades called a Special Ohio Grand Jury, which indicted 25 students[35] and no Guardsmen.[36]
U.S. District Court
On October 16, 1970.  Eight Guardsmen (James Daniel McGee, Mathew
Junior McManus, Barry William Morris, William Earl Perkins, James Edward
Pierce, Lawrence Anthony Shafer, Leon Herbert Smith, Ralph William Zoller) were
prosecuted for violating the civil rights of students, but U.S. District Court
Judge Frank J. Battisti acquitted the guardsmen. They lacked willful intent to
deprive victims of their civil rights.[37]
Prosecutions and Culprits Fade Away
Thomas S. Lough, a sociology professor and faculty advisor to SDS,[38]
was indicted for inciting a riot. Only two of the wounded students were among
the 25 indicted, Joe Lewis and Alan Canfora. Canfora was an identified Maoist
member of the Revolutionary Communist Party[39] and a member of the National Lawyers Guild.[40]
After two years of SDS mentoring only three of the indicted were SDS members in
the action-Ruth Gibson, Ken Hammond and Ron Weissenberger.
Thomas Graydon Fogleson, witnessed pulling fire hoses,[41]
and Larry A. Shub both pled guilty to first-degree riot. Jerry Rupe who was
witnessed setting fire to the ROTC building with a gasoline soaked rag, burning
an American flag, and assaulting firemen[42] was found guilty by a hung jury only for interfering with a fireman by cutting fire hoses.[43]
During trial charges were dismissed against Peter Bleik, witnessed leading the
action at the ROTC fire scene,[44] was not identified at trial.[45]
Charges against Mary Helen Nicholas were also dismissed at trial. On December
23, 1971 all charges against the remaining 20 were also dismissed.
Meanwhile, two of the indicted fled, Carol Mirman to California and Allen “Alfie” Tate, a Black
Panther, to New York and were never arrested or prosecuted –Tate for being
witnessed helping to set fire to the ROTC building. [46]
Payday for Rioters
Two indicted students, Joe Lewis and Alan Canfora, and one witnessed riot participant, Thomas Grace,
received money settlements in civil suits equal to or larger than the $675,000
settlements given to parents of the four dead students.
Every subsequent year since 1970 commemorative ceremonies have been held at Kent State as perpetual symbols
of the evil empire and its war in Vietnam. Mark Rudd, weatherman and an SDS visitor
to Kent State, in retrospect wrote, “In some measure, the militancy of the
university’s Cambodia demonstrations resulted from the confrontational politics
that Weatherman had helped to create at Kent.” The Kent State chapter of SDS  “had produced dozens of Weather cadre.”[47]
Buying Dynamite
Taking no time to mourn the dead at Kent State on May 4,
1970 Weatherman John Allen Fuerst (Aka Jeremy Pikser, Phil) and Roberta Brent
Smith, dedicated to an immediate revolution, illegally bought 30 pounds of dynamite,
under the alias William Allen Friedman and took the explosives to California.[48]
In mid 1970 a Gallup poll asked Americans to rate groups. 42% rated the SDS
highly unfavorable and the Black Panthers 75% highly unfavorable.[49]
A Gallup poll revealed that 58% of Americans blamed the protesters and only 11% the guard.[50]
Hardhats: “Kill the Commie Bastards
On May 8th in New York some two hundred, hardhatted
construction workers, following the example of their AFL-CIO leader, George
Meany who supported the war, opposed the leftists. Apparently not having read
Karl Marx’s Das Kapital, the workers chanted, “Kill the Commie
Bastards,” while defending capitalist Wall Street from a leftist assault.
The hardhats roughed up seventy students. In the weeks that followed prowar
hardhats in the thousands took to the streets in response to antiwar protests.
J. Edgar Hoover told Egil Krogh, “I’m glad (the construction guys) did what
they did…[T]hey really chased them down Broadway.”[51]
Washington Protest of Kent Killings
Assisted by Cora Rubin Weiss’s intelligence
network, organizational apparatus and public outrage over the killing of
innocents at Kent State in a few days, on May 9th up to 50,000-100,000
demonstrators converged on Washington, D.C.
Major speakers and organizers were Barbara Bick, Rennie Davis, Dave Dellinger, Richard Fernandez,
Fred Halstead, Phil Hirschkop, Abbie Hoffman, Brad Lyttle, John McAuliff,
Stuart Meacham, Sidney Peck, Jerry Rubin, Arthur Waskow, and Ron Young. The
protest concluded with demonstrators picking up caskets and marching them down
15th Street toward the White House ringed by tightly packed buses
and an invisible thousand National Guardsmen.
Police and National Guard Refuse to be Provoked
Marshals directed the caskets away from the White House, but an angry thousand rushed down H Street
breaking windows of buses until police tear gas turned them back. Some who occupied
the Peace Corps claimed, “Like the Viet Cong, we escape back into the people.”
On the whole the mass of demonstrators on the 9th was calm and peaceful. That angered Norma Becker,
Arthur Waskow and Sidney Peck who had hoped that mass civil disobedience would
provoke the government to use excessive force[52] as it had at the Democratic Convention in Chicago in 1968.
Nixon: “Bunch of Bums”
Jane Fonda called President Nixon a “warmonger” for sending U.S. troops against the
Vietnamese in their sanctuary of Cambodia. Nixon replied that Fonda and kind
was “a bunch of bums.” At a Washington rally Fonda welcomed her
“fellow bums,” clenched her fist and declared “Power to the people.”
FBI Investigation of Kent State
On May 11, 1970, J. Edgar Hoover told White House aide Egil Krogh, “The national guardsmen (at Kent
State) would have been killed if they had not fired because students were
throwing lead pipes, rocks, and bricks at Guardsmen. …We have…photos of bruises
of the Guardsmen in color, some of which are shocking.” Hoover reminded Krogh
that the burning of an ROTC building two nights before had precipitated the calling out of the National Guard.[53]
Protesters Target ROTC
Attacks, harassment and disruption of ROTC
and military recruiting on campus—e.g. Wisconsin, Northwestern, Dartmouth,
Berkeley, Princeton– would reduce ROTC enrollments by two-thirds from the mid-1960s to the 1970s.[54]
This diminished the ranks of recruitable commissioned officers and negatively
impacted the quality of junior officers serving in combat, e.g. William Calley at My Lai.
Jackson State Killings
On May 15, two more students protesting the war were shot and killed at Jackson State College in
Mississippi.  On May 18th, Hoover told Vice President Agnew, “We found a considerable amount of firearms
in the …rooms of students (at Kent State)…Some say there was sniping and some
say there was not. …The same is true at Jackson …allegations of sniping at the troops before they fired and denials.”
Agnew said the media covered police shootings, but not the looting.
Hoover said Guardsmen were “severely provoked” at Jackson and Kent State.[55]
Later media reports would say the FBI had found no justification for the Kent
State shootings. An angry Hoover told President Nixon that was the view of
Assistant Attorney General Jerris Leonard, not the FBI. The FBI did not draw
conclusions. “We must not allow the press to get by with attributing things to
the FBI which are absolutely untrue,” said Hoover.[56]
In Washington on May 10, 1970 the Weather Underground bombed the National Guard’s Washington Headquarters in
retaliation, they said, for the killings of anti-war protesters at Jackson and
Kent State Universities.  In addition, a fire truck was destroyed, rocks
were thrown, windows broken at the Department of Justice and at businesses
along Connecticut Avenue and at Dupont Circle, areas around the Washington Monument were disrupted.[57]
Shutting Down the Universities, Nationwide
The organized left joined by the outraged shut
down universities nationwide for teach-ins on the Vietnam War. The objective
was not debates of the issues. They sought to win the Vietnam “debate” by superior force.
And they did.
More than 400 universities were shut down or on strike. There
were protests on 57% of the nation’s college campuses and even junior high
schools experienced protests.[58] On the whole, the left on campuses almost
everywhere succeeded in bullying timid school administrators and faced
unorganized or intimidated opposition.
An FBI report, “Campus violence hits new high during period of May 1-15” said, “Campus
violence hits new high during period of May 1-15” and counted the number of
student demonstrations. May’s two-week total was equal to the previous eight
months—844 campus demonstrations, 3,000 arrests, 166 injuries, six deaths.
Property losses were $4.5 million ranging from vandalism, 115 arsonist attacks,
3 bombings–often targeting ROTC facilities. Of 458 injuries, two-thirds, 295 were of police officers.
Public Opposes Student Strikes
“Less than 3% of student enrollment …(had)…taken part”[59] in a near 100 percent shutdown of the nation’s
colleges and universities. Indeed, throughout the war young people under thirty
were far less likely to think the war was a mistake than those over thirty when
answering Gallup’s question, “Do you think the U.S. made a mistake sending
troops to fight in Vietnam?”[60] By June Gallup found that 82% disapproved
of  “College students going on strike…to protest the way things are run in this country.”[61]


[1] Ron Jacobs, The Way The Wind Blew: A
History Of The Weather Underground, Verso, 1997, 49-50.
[2] Mark Rudd, Underground: My Life With the SDS and the Weathermen, New
York: Harper Collins, 2009, 210; James A. Michener, Kent State: What
Happened and Why
, New York: Random House, 1971, 92; Cathy Wilkerson, Flying
Close to the Sun
, New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007, 228, 356.
[3] “Active Members in SDS,” T.F. Kelly to D.L. Schwartzmiller, Kent State
University [n.d.1969] in a special collection, “4 May 1970,” Box 107, at the
Kent State University Library at speccoll.library.kent.edu/4may70/box 107/107f9p12.gif.
[4] James A. Michener, Kent State: What Happened and Why, New York: random
House, 1971, 80.
[5] Neil Wetterman report attached to T.F. Kelly to D.L. Schwartzmiller, Kent State
University, May 1, 1969 in a special collection, “4 May 1970,” Box 107, at the
Kent State University Library at speccoll.library.kent.edu/4may70/box 107/107f9p12.gif.
[6] James A. Michener, Kent State: What Happened and Why, New York: random
House, 1971, 88-89, 98.
[7] Alan Stang, “Kent State,” American Opinion, June 1974, 2,4,10.
[8] “Ohio notables at rites for Prof. Jackson,” Daily World, May 16, 1979, 11.
[9] “Entire text of special grand jury report,” The Record (Kent-Ravenna), October 16, 1970.
[10] Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, The
Weather Underground
, Committee Print, January 1975, 27-29.
[11] C.D. Brennan to W.C. Sullivan, FBI Memo, June 10, 1970.
[12] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, CV 98-2140, 302 interview of [redacted] on 5/19/70 at
Canton Ohio; FBI, FOIA, Kent State, CV 98-2140, 302 interview of [redacted] at Ravenna, Ohio 5/16/70.
[13] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, CV 98-2140, 302 interview of [redacted] at Kent Ohio, May 26, 1970.
[14] “Entire text of special grand jury report,” The Record (Kent-Ravenna), October 16, 1970.
[15] Francis L. Brininger, State Arson Bureau, to Eugene Jewell, Chief August 6,
1970, in “ROTC building arson May 2, 1970: Witness statements taken August 6,
1970, Kent State University in a special collection, “4 May 1970,” Box 107, at
the Kent State University Library at speccoll.library.kent.edu/4may70/box
107/107f9p12.gif.
[16] Cathy Wilkerson, Flying Close to the Sun, New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007, 356.
[18] “Entire text of special grand jury report,” The Record (Kent-Ravenna), October 16, 1970.
[19] “Entire text of special grand jury report,” The Record (Kent-Ravenna),
October 16, 1970.
[20] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, CV 98-2140, 302 interview of [redacted], by [redacted]
JJD/jky, Cleveland, 5/15/70.
[21] Norman repeated his story off camera to DeBrine the next day; John
Mangels, “Kent State tape indicates altercation and pistol fire preceded
National Guard shootings (audio), Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 8, 2010.
[22] Terry Strubbe, tape recording from the ledge of his dorm room at Kent State,
April 4, 1970: AP, “Report: Pistol shots preceded Kent St. shootings,” Cleveland
Plain Dealer
, October 8, 2010; Robert F. Turner, “Turner: Not a massacre
but a mistake: New evidence indicates source of gunfire of shots that triggered
shootings,” Washington Times, October 12, 2010; “Kent Tribunal Hears New
Evidence of Clear Order to Fire at Kent State, Backs Rep. Kucinich in Call to
Open Inquiry: Audio Tape Shows Evidence of Pistol Firing Seconds Before
Verified Order to Shoot,” Common Dreams.Org, Press Release, October 12, 2010;
Testimony of Stuart Allen bit.ly/dakhWw;
[23] John Mangels, “Kent State tape indicates altercation and pistol fire preceded National
Guard shootings (audio), Cleveland Plain Dealer, October 8, 2010.
[24] A search of Miller’s clothing turned up a scrap paper with the number 673-1759
and words “communications center.” FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Teletype, FBI
Cleveland to Director FBI Washington, Unsubs: Firebombing of Army ROTC Bldg.,
Kent State Univ. (KSU), Kent Ohio, 5-6-70.
[25] The Filo photo of Vecchio is honored in the War Remnants Museum in Saigon,
author’s photos Viet II DSC_327-8
[26] Nicolas Kulish, “Spy Fires Shot in ’67 That Shook Germany, The New York
Times
, May 27, 2009, A4.
[27] Alan Stang, “Kent State,” American Opinion, June 1974, 2,4,10.
[28] Alan Stang, “Kent State,” American Opinion, June 1974, 2,4,10.
[29] H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House, New
York: Berkley Books, 1994,191.
[30] Bill Rood to author, April 1, 2011.
[31] Solomon Todd, “Ten Years After: Kent State in the Rearview,” The Nation,
May 1980.
[32] Author’s photos, Viet II, 237, 238.
[33] H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House, New
York: Berkley Books, 1994,220.
[34] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Memo, C.D. Brennan to W. C. Sullivan, 6/10/70; FBI,
FOIA, Kent State, J. Walter Yeagley, Assistant Attorney General, Internal Security Division to
Director, FBI. June 15, 1970.
[35] The following were indicted: David O. Adams, William G. Arthrell, Peter C.
Bliek, Alan M. Canfora, Roseann Canfora, Douglas Charles Cormack, Joseph B.
Cullum, Michael Erwin, Richard G. Felber, Thomas Graydon Foglesong, John
Gerbetz, Ruth Gibson, Kenneth J. Hammond, Jeffrey D. Hartzler, Joseph J. Lewis,
Dr. Thomas S. Lough, Thomas D. Miller, Carol Lynn Mirman, Craig A. Morgan, Mary
Helen Nicholas, James M. Riggs, Jerry H. Rupe, Larry A. Shub, Allen Tate,
Ronald Weissenberger; FBI, FOIA, AIRTEL, SAC, Cleveland to Director [redacted]
et al Sabotage; Sedition; Destruction Government Property, civil Rights Act of
1968—interference with Federally Protected Facility, 10/20/70, 1-3; “Kent
25
,” The Burr, May 2000 at  http://www.burr.kent.edu/archives/may4/twentyfive/twentyfive1.html.
Only three of the indicted were SDS-Ruth Gibson, Ken Hammond and Ron
Weissenberger. Eyewitnesses identified the following
either throwing rocks, starting fires, beating up witnesses and firemen or
cutting fire hoses: Mike Brock, Peter Bliek, Tony Compton, Debbie Durham,
Richard Felber, Tom Grace, James Harrington, Jimmy Riggs, Jerry Rupe, Larry A.
Shub, Allen Tate, Donald Weisenberger. For eye witnesses see: Francis L.
Brininger, State Arson Bureau, to Eugene Jewell, Chief August 6, 1970, in “ROTC
building arson May 2, 1970: Witness statements taken August 6, 1970, Kent State
University in a special collection, “4 May 1970,” Box 107, at the Kent State
University Library at speccoll.library.kent.edu/4may70/box 107/107f9p12.gif
[36] H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House, New
York: Berkley Books, 1994,242.
[37] FBIB, FOIA, Kent State, FBI note, JJB, 11/8/74; FBI, FOIA, Kent State, SA
Martin V. Hale, Killing of Four Students at Kent State University, Kent, Ohio,
–May 4, 1970; Allison Krause, ET AL – Victims.

[38] Ken Hammond, Thomas Lough, Papers May 4 Collection, Box 21 http://speccoll.library.kent.edu/4may70/21.html

[39] Max Friedman to Roger Canfield, May 6, 2010.
[40] The NLG National Convention, February15-19, 1979, Information Digest, 9.
[41] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Cleveland FD 204 June 23, 1970.
[42] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Cleveland FD 204 June 23, 1970; FBI, FOIA, Kent State,
CV 98-2140, 302 interview of [redacted]at Kent Ohio, May 26, 1970; FBI, FOIA,
Kent State, CV 98-2140, 302 interview of [redacted] at [redacted] Ohio on June 18, 1970.
[43] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Teletype, Cleveland to Director, 11-30-71.
[44] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Cleveland FD 204 June 23, 1970.
[45] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, Teletype, Cleveland to Director, 11-30-71.
[46] FBI, FOIA, Kent State, LHM Cleveland [redacted] et al, February 8, 1972.
[47] Mark Rudd, Underground: My Life With the SDS and the Weathermen, New
York: Harper Collins, 2009, 210.
[48] FBI, FOIA, Weather Underground. The primary source is Acting SAC Chicago to Director, memo,
“Foreign Influence-Weather Underground Organization,” August 20, 1976, 199.
[49] Adam Garfinkle, Telltale Hearts: The Origins and the Impact of the Vietnam
Antiwar Movement
, NY: St. Martin’s Griffin, 1997, 8n44, 306.
[50] Robert F. Turner, “Turner: Not a massacre but a mistake: New evidence indicates
source of gunfire of shots that triggered shootings,” Washington Times, October 12, 2010.
[51] Hoover to Tolson, memo, 10:27 AM, May 11, 1970 at FBI FOIA website under Tolson. DISCLOSURE-The author
was a leader, chairman of Campus Mobilization for the Committee for Academic Freedom,
which successfully fought to keep the Claremont Graduate School open during
debates about US Cambodian operations. Other activists of the committee were
Gary Gammon, Sue Leeson, Jo Ellen Schroeder, Richard Reeb, Steve Schlesinger.
See: Leeson, Canfield and Schroeder,  “A Plea For Academic Freedom”, spring 1970. The author subsequently gave speeches
supporting Governor Ronald Reagan’s policies at the University of California.
Some members of Claremont doctoral examination committee were unhappy—delaying
completion of the author’s PhD for several years.  Perpetrators of bombings injuring a
professor’s secretary and burning down a campus landmark, Story House, were never prosecuted in Claremont.
[52] Stewart Meacham, “May Ninth,” Win Magazine, July 1970; Wells, the War Within…, 437-445.
[53] Hoover to Tolson etc, memo, May 11, 1970 found at FBI FOIA website under Tolson.
[54] Rothrock Divided… 242-3.
[55] Hoover to Tolson, memo, 9:49 AM, May 18, 1970 at FBI FOIA website under Tolson.
[56] Hoover to Tolson, memo, July 24, 1970 at FBI FOIA website under Tolson; Hoover to Tolson, memo, 8:47 AM July
24, 1970 at FBI FOIA website under Tolson.
[57] Hoover to Tolson, memo, May 14, 1970 at FBI FOIA website under Tolson.
[58] Roger B. Canfield, “Democratic Legitimacy and American Political Violence, 1964-1970,” doctoral
dissertation, Claremont Graduate School, Claremont, California 1972, 3.
[59] FBI, FOIA, “Campus violence hits new high during period of May 1-15,”file number 65-73268-127, May 21,
1970,at seanet.com/…
[60] “Support for the Vietnam War,” 21 November 2002.
[61] Joseph A. Fry, “Unpopular Messenger; Student Opposition to the Vietnam War,”
cited in David L. Anderson, John Ernst (eds.) The War Never Ends: New
Perspectives on Vietnam War
, Lexington: University of Kentucky, 2007, 237.
Categories
California Politics Endangered Species Act Environmental Extremism

Leaping Lizards: Absurd Science of ESA; Update 2011

Whackos-Leaping Lizards Sac Union, Aug 20, 1990, A-2.

The Department of Fish and Game is considering banning all off-road vehicles from
thousands of miles of Southern California Desert. It seems that a study shows
that dirt bikes destroy the hearing of desert critters. This study and others
helped advance a lizard’s status to that of an endangered species.

Now an insider reports on how some of the science was conducted to study the
Flat-tailed Horned Lizard.

Problem: Bike and lizard are not unlike Roadrunner cartoons. That is, machine-amphibian
interaction could only be measured in split seconds. Impact on candidate species was zilch.

Solution: Record bike engine at high-noise level. Place lizard inside a 4-x-4-inch cage, tape
cage-lizard assembly to blasting speakers for half hour.

Result: Species hearing impaired, therefor ban bikes.

Question: What happened to the “endangered”
lizard in the experiment? The scientists said: We terminated him.

Editor Update: Science outwithstanding, lizard won

U.S. Fish and Wildlife rejected an endangered
listing for the fourth time in March 2011. All prior rejections were successfully
challenged in court by the Center for Biological Diversity, Defenders of
Wildlife, the Sierra Club and the Horned Lizard Conservation Society. In
practice the species is protected on habitat of 457, 000 acres where human
activity is subject to arrest and prosecution. OHV enthusiasts are limit to existing roads,
trails and restrictive permits.

Ironically the proposed Imperial Valley Solar Project threatens 10 square miles of lizard habitat.

Categories
Comrades in Arms Vietnam

The True Story of “Christmas” Bombing, N. Vietnam 1972

The Christmas Bombings of Hanoi, North Vietnam.

During the Vietnam War on December 11, 1972 Anniversary Tours, a
Communist Party-USA owned travel agency, booked Scandinavian Airlines, SAS,
flights out of JFK Airport bound for Hanoi, North Vietnam.

Among its passengers were folksinger Joan Baez,
the Episcopal Rev. Michael Allen of Yale Divinity, Barry Romo of Vietnam Veterans Against the War, and Gen.
Telford Taylor, the former chief counsel of the war crimes trials of the Nazis at Nuremberg, Germany.[1]

On December 13, 1972 Cora Rubin Weiss, Hanoi’s chosen liasion for POW mail and more, held a press conference and introduced Baez,
Allen, Taylor and Romo as departing for Hanoi. Baez said she wanted to meet
North Vietnamese and to witness war damage. Allen said they had 500 pieces
of mail for American POWs carried by Hanoi approved Committee of Liaison with Families of Servicemen
Detained in North Vietnam, COLIFAM. Weiss said this was COLIFAM’s 36th mail trip.

ABC, NBC, CBS, AP and UPI covered this pro-Hanoi press conference.[2] Such
favorable coverage of the enemy in war was common during the war. A study of CBS by the
Institute for American Strategy showed that 83.33 % of stories about the
government of South Vietnam were critical while 57.3% of stories about the Communist enemy in Hanoi were favorable.[3]

The media coverage of “Christmas bombings” is a case study not only of media bias, but media support for the enmy in war.

The bombings were also a success story for America in the Cold War. A success later squandered, but that is another story.

Nixon’s vigorous prosecution of the war, ‘Peace with Honor,” was an election mandate, a landslide, forty-nine state, victory
over the single issue, anti-war candidate, George McGovern. McGovern had met secretly with Hanoi officials in Paris to seek political advantage against Nixon failing miserably to do so.

So, in an effort to force the North Vietnamese back to the negotiating table, resoundingly reelected President
Nixon escalated the bombing of targets previously off-limits in North Vietnam.

The bombings ocurred December 18-29 — the so-called Christmas Bombings despite a 36 hour bombing
pause at Christmas.[4]

There was no Christmas bombing. Since Communists do not celebrate Christmas or
any other religious holiday, their outrage over bombings on a Christian holy
day was feigned. The bombings, none of which occurred on Christmas day, were
dubbed the Christmas bombings for maximum propaganda value in the USA where a
majority were Christians.

The bombings were to provide “maximum destruction …of military targets” and to “inflict the
utmost civilian distress.” Admiral Moorer said, “I want the people of Hanoi to hear the bombs.”

Bombing of the 5-railroad track Long Bien Bridge
across the Red River into Hanoi was only two miles from the Metropole Hotel.
Surrounded by beautiful women and good food, the Baez group was well cared for at the Metropole.

There they met other internationalists such as Jean Thoroval of Agence France Press, a Cuban, an Indian and others.

The Americans were shown films of deformed children, dying caged animals and “an
American soldier shooting fire from a hose.” They were taken to a bombsite.

Joan Baez remembers very telling details,

“We came to what looked like a large expensive movie set of a piece of the moon.
…Men [were] shouting out the number of dead…in the hundreds. …Here was a shoe…
a half-buried little sweater, a piece of broken dish… a book lying open, its
damp pages stuck together. The press was there with their cameras.”

Nearby a women “hobbled back and forth” singing,
‘My son. My son. Where are you now?”
Twas a movie set, which Baez, a professional entertainer, recognized,
but she somehow failed to identify as a propaganda show too well staged to be true.
Telford Taylor astutely asked if the bombed sites were recent or left over from bombing in June.[5]

Ultimately, Nixon’s idea was to destroy the North’s will to fight.[6]

“Wet His Pants”

Nixon’s strategy worked.

As Nixon and Kissinger first claimed, American POW’s later confirmed and the North Vietnamese admit today, the
December bombings were terrifying. Truong  Nhu Tang remembered, “I had been caught in the Apocalypse. The terror was
complete. One lost control bodily functions as the mind screamed incomprehensible
orders to get out.”[8] One POW saw his prison guard “trembling like a leaf, drop his rifle, and wet his pants.”[9]

Joan Baez in the Metropole’s bomb shelter with Rev. Michael Allen of Yale Divinity,
Barry Romo of VVAW and Telford Taylor sang Christmas Carols.

Close by in the “Hanoi Hilton” the POWs cheered. The Vietnamese trembled.[7]

POW and Admiral James Stockdale, remembers: “At dawn, the streets of Hanoi were absolutely
silent. …Patriotic wakeup music was missing, …street sounds, the horns, all
gone. Our interrogators and guards (were solicitous)… morning coffee was
delivered…Any Vietnamese officer’s face . . . telegraphed… hopelessness,
remorse, fear. …[O]ur enemy’s will was broken.[10]
POW Michael O’Connor: “When we heard them crying in the streets, we knew it
would soon be over.”[11] POW Lt. Col. Frank Lewis remembers:  “I … danced around my cell like a
fool, yelling, and cheering … I cried with pleasure.”[12] The POW’s cheered.

The North Vietnamese had never experienced anything like it in decades of an American limited war strategy calibrated to send signals of
resolve with minimal provocations of either the enemy or his Soviet and Chinese Communist allies.

During thirteen days in Hanoi, the Vietnamese gave propaganda talking points to the
Americans–support the 9 Point Peace Plan, stop bombing and free South
Vietnamese political prisoners. Baez sang to a group of twelve POWs.[13]

Baez told a Japanese reporter, Tsuyoshi Doki,
“Nixon is nothing but a madman… When I return home, I will do my utmost so that
the antiwar movement can be unified and become more powerful.”[14]

Some 42,000 bombs fell seeking “maximum destruction of selected military targets.”
Hanoi’s 1,242 SAM missiles and artillery shells fired at American
aircraft fell back down amongst the civilians remaining in Hanoi.[15]

VVAW’s Barry Romo claimed the bombing was never to destroy military
targets, but to terrorize and demoralize the Vietnamese people. Bombs falling
on nonmilitary targets were not errors. The same homes and shops were hit several times, Romo claimed.[16]

Yet the actual orders from Washington were to “exercise precaution to minimize risk of civilian casualties…”[17]
Aircrews were ordered to maintain straight and level flight to “maximize
aiming time” and to “reduce the chances of civilian damage.”[18]
These orders increased crew exposure to the world’s best antiaircraft defenses.
Although not the nuclear holocaust the left frequently accused the US of
planning—whenever the U.S. showed even diplomatic firmness to Communist aggression–the
new smart bombs fell with great accuracy.

The New York Times claimed carpet bombing of square miles of densely populated
areas. Joseph Kraft wrote of “senseless terror” bombing. Dan Rather: “large
scale terror bombing.” The Washington Post quested Nixon’s sanity. Anthony Lewis called the President a “maddened
tyrant.”[19] Aerial photos showed that there was no indiscriminate carpet-bombing and no terror attacks upon civilians.[20]

Walter Cronkite uncritically cited the Soviet News Agency Tass and Radio Hanoi as
credible news sources about the alleged massive scale of the damages to
civilian homes and the President’s mental condition.[21]

Still on December 29, 1972 Nhan Dan reported excerpts from a statement of Lieutenant Colonel Luis (SIC) Henry
Bernasconi, navigator of a B-52 shot down on December 22. Now a POW Bernasconi
said, “We are taught that B-52s are used to bomb targets …tens of square miles.
Such targets do not exist in Vietnam. …B-52 bombing in densely [SIC] populated
areas is to kill more and more people to generate pressure.”[22]
Once released Bernasconi did not repeat such wild claims about B-52 target
sizes and intents to kill.

As the North Vietnamese now admit, their radar was successfully blinded, making their SAM missiles ineffective.[23]
Stanley Karnow’s first hand observations were that populations had evacuated,
damage in Hanoi and Haiphong was minimal, civilians were spared and the bombing
was accurately placed upon military targets.[24]

Back on the homefront on Christmas Eve, a small contingent of the members of VVAW, Brown
Berets, and Venceremos Brigade marched to the Veterans Administration Cemetery
in Los Angeles. They distribute leaflets titled “SIX MILLION VICTIMS—THE HUMAN
COST OF THE INDOCHINA WAR UNDER PRESIDENT NIXON.”[25] Six million was an outrageous number.

In contrast in South Vietnam when villagers moved to safer areas under government control the
Communists routinely mortared, bombed and mined markets and roads for no
military purpose whatsoever. Between 1968 and 1972, “roughly thirty thousand
civilians a year went to GVN hospitals with injuries from mines and
mortars…wounds [which] …greatly exceeded…those…by Allied shelling and bombing.”[26]
Unlike the communists raining artillery and mortar fire directly upon fleeing
South Vietnamese civilians, U.S. B-52s did not bomb people evacuating Hanoi.

Outrage Over “Carpet” Bombings of Hanoi

Le Monde compared the American
attacks to the horrific bombing of Guernica in the Spanish Civil War, a leftist
symbol of Fascist brutality against heroic Communist revolutionaries. Like
Pavlov’s dogs, the progressive media salivated on cue.

Friends of the Vietnamese communists, including the American media, were spitting mad and
hysterically outraged—not over the endless Viet Cong atrocities, but the bombing of Hanoi.

CBS’s Dan Rather called the bombing “(unrestricted) large scale terror bombing.” Radio Hanoi told
him and he parroted claims of “extermination raids on many populous areas.”

CBS’s Walter Cronkite quoted  as sources of fact the
Soviet News Agency, Tass, “U.S. bombers destroyed thousands of homes,” and
Radio Hanoi, “Nixon has taken leave of his senses.”

Henry Kissinger in his White House Years quoted the newspaper editorial headlines after the
bombings: “New Madness in Viet Nam” (St. Louis Post Dispatch,
December 19); “The Rain of Death Continues” (Boston Globe,
December 20); “Terror From the Skies”  (New York Times,
December 26); “Terror Bombing in the Name of Peace” (Washington
Post
, December 28); “Beyond All Reasons” (Los Angeles Times,
December 28).[27] “Frighteningly callous to consequences,” Mary McCarthy wrote upon learning a
bomb had killed the French Chief of Mission,[28]
presumably an unconscionable assault utopian high intellect and culture.
Privately Nixon called it “media fueled hysteria,” but to his critics such the coverage “reasonable.”[29]

On the whole Nixon was silent to outrageously false claims of immorality, barbarism and butchery,
fearing he later said, of driving Hanoi away from peace talks in Paris.

Stanley Karnow says American newspapers, television, and radio had uncritically carried a
French reporter’s claims [in Le Monde] of “carpet bombing” of downtown
Haiphong and Hanoi.  Malcolm Browne of The New York Times, a war critic, said this was “grossly overstated.”

Indeed, even Tran Duy Hung, mayor of Hanoi denied such false claims.  Karnow says, “American antiwar
activists…during the attacks urged the mayor to claim a death toll of ten
thousand.” The suspects for such an intentional fabrication, a lie, would have
been Joan Baez, Barry Romo, Michael Allen, and Telford Taylor. Mayor Tran
refused to bump the numbers because “his government’s credibility was at stake.”

The North Vietnamese counted 1,318 civilian fatalities in Hanoi and 305 in Haiphong—a
pittance of the 85,000 killed in the real carpet firebombing of Tokyo in March 1945.[30]

Earlier in 1972 the North Vietnamese had turned artillery upon civilians
fleeing Quang Tri and An Loc killing at least 15,000. There was neither
discernable media nor “peace” pilgrim outrage to this slaughter of the purely innocent.

And upon her return Joan Baez accurately estimated the casualties at 2,000.[31]

Parks says the civilian deaths in the Hanoi count were not entirely innocent. Civilians worked at
lawful military targets. Some were human shields. And still other civilians
were killed by “North Vietnamese SAMs or AAA projectiles…plummeted to the ground.”

Since “Hanoi fired more than 1,000 SAMs…[M]any
of the 1,318 civilian deaths can be attributed to these North Vietnamese
defenses.  …Measured against …the law of
war…Linebacker II is unprecedented in its minimization… of collateral civilian
casualties when compared with the intensity of effort against legitimate targets.”

That during the most intense bombing of the entire war Hanoi counted far less than 2,000 people
dead is “persuasive evidence (that)… the United States sought to avoid
collateral damage… so too had [the earlier] Rolling Thunder been “one of the
most constrained military campaigns in history.”

That the U.S. spent $100,000 for every truck destroyed [32]
was a measure of neither indiscriminate bombing nor economic waste, but of the
value Americans placed on innocent human life.

Bach Mai Hospital and Kham Thien Street

The few civilian targets hit loomed very large in propaganda about American bombing — the Bach Mai
hospital and Kham Thien Street, a residential area.

The North Vietnamese and their American friends said these were bombed intentionally.

Telford Taylor said Bach Mai hospital had been totally destroyed [For the 1,000th time?] and Baez
claimed the bombing had injured POWs in the Hanoi Hilton. The hospital was
never targeted, but the area around Bach Mai was target rich with legitimate
military objectives.  It was only 1,000 meter from the Bach Mai Military Airfield and 200 yards from a POL fuel storage
facility.[33] Also air defenses and Radio Hanoi.

The prime target was clear.  “The overall control of
the NVA air defenses … one of the best … in the world … was directed by
an air defense command and control center located at (less than 500 meters away
at) Bach Mai airfield.” This air defense system commanded and controlled
from Bach Mai airfield allowed targeting of U.S. aircraft from ground level to
19 miles up.[34] Moreover, air defenses were located among civilians and patients at Bach Mai.

Only a laser-guided bomb finally hit Radio Hanoi, which was at Bach Mai protected by a concrete revetment.

In the event photos prove that only the corner of one wing
of the hospital, not its center, was accidentally destroyed killing 28.[35]

The hospital was hit in a tragic accident. Col. John Yuill lost control of his aircraft at the
very moment of his bomb release as two SAM missiles exploded above and below
him spewing his bomb train off target and onto a portion of the hospital.[36]
Though captions of photos in one war museum claim the hospital was “destroyed”[37]
and in another museum only “damaged,[38] a
careful analysis of photos shows a corner of the hospital hit and a big bomb
crater off to the side of the hospital.[39]
Views of remodeled hospital today[40]
seems to confirm that the left front part of hospital was hit, probably
accidentally as Col. John Yuill described it thereafter.

Similarly, on December 26, 1972 SAM attacks on another aircraft diverted a B-52 bomb train to
residential Kham Thien Street[41] where it was claimed that 287 were killed and 290 injured.[42]

Upon her return to Hanoi in early January Joan Baez would report that $400,000 had been raised to
rebuild Bach Mai Hospital.[43] The CPUSA’s Young Workers’ Liberation League had created the tax exempt Bach
Mai Hospital Relief Fund.[44] April 8-15, 1973 was Bach Mai Week during which local peace organizations canvassed
dor to door and sold pancake breakfasts.[45] Despite the monetary contributions of many
other Americans to the relief fund, e.g. through Bill Zimmerman’s fund raising
for Medical Aid to Vietnam; Bach Mai would remain unrepaired for nine years.

To the “humane” Vietnamese Communists Bach Mai was worth far more as a war trophy
and as cash flow than it was as a functioning hospital.

For those who dismissed official American sources, such as Pentagon aerial photos showing
minimal damage to Hanoi, the Baez contingency had brought back North Vietnamese
Government film. The COLIFAM delegation used NBC film.[46]
CBS would forevermore simply report Hanoi’s numbers and never covered Hanoi’s
subsequent repudiation of the claim of extensive casualties at Bach Mai, which
had been evacuated long before the bombing.[47]

After the signing of the Paris Accord Henry Kissinger visited Hanoi and shared
his observations with Nixon and Haldeman,

“It was absolutely amazing in Hanoi how remarkably precise the American bombing had been. There’s virtually no
destruction in the city of Hanoi of anything except military targets, the
railway yard is completely wiped out, but all the other buildings and facilities
still stand. Large storage areas have been demolished, but virtually nothing adjacent to them.”

And “Henry feels that it is…a total repudiation of the attacks on the P(resident) for his
so-called carpet bombing….”[48] POW James Kasler soon told a Congressional committee, “The Americans who came
to Hanoi…[reported] Hanoi… lying in shambles.” Yet “the city was barely touched
as has been proven by unbiased photographers who visited there after our [POW]
release” some 90 days later. Kasler insisted, American travelers  “distorted the truth about the bombing of
civilian targets…because they wanted the North Vietnamese to win and they were
willing to betray their own country to attain that goal.”[49]

In contrast to Hanoi’s death toll of 1,318 civilians in December 1972, during its Easter
offensive during the spring of 1972 Hanoi’s invading armies had turned its
artillery and rockets upon the civilian populations of An Loc, Hue, Quang Tri and other cities.

During the battles of April 1972 the North Vietnamese had rained
artillery upon tens of thousands of civilian refugees fleeing on roads running
south from battles in Quang Tri and in An Loc. Some 15,000 or so civilians were
slaughtered on the escape routes Highways 1 and Highway 13 respectively.

About this indiscriminate slaughter of helpless civilians in South Vietnam there was
silence among the self-anointed humanitarians and pacifists within the peace
movement. Against all evidence they persisted in claiming that all the barbarism
of war came from one side, the American side. By late that July President Nixon
had reported 860,000 refugees, 45,000 casualties (15,000 dead).  Such was the “liberation” (during
the Easter Offensive) of Quang Tri, Hue, An Loc, Binh Dinh province and other
areas benefiting from the humanitarian policies of the North.

December’s bombings gave the Americans the moral high ground, if there is such a thing in the
accidental killing of civilians in war.

Of course, Hanoi’s franchised peace movement usurped the high ground by
declaring Hanoi’s death toll of 1,318 civilians was indiscriminate carpet bombing of many square miles of North Vietnam.

For the first time in the war Hanoi was shaken.

The communists had angered the mad man Nixon. America could at long last negotiate from a position of strength.

Visiting at the invitation of her Vietnamese friends at
Choisy-le-Roi, Mary McCarthy and Mr. Phan and Vy discussed the antiwar
movement. Barbara Deming’s letter wanted American women to go to Hanoi to work
under the bombs. Mary McCarthy suggested a group of big names go to Hanoi to
risk their lives. Phan said, “The place to be effective had been America.” From Paris NFL representative Phan
Thanh Nam secretly ran Hanoi’s intelligence operations in the USA, in part by meeting “freindly” Americans like Mary McCarthy.
McCarthy says, “About the failure of Americans at home to rise in protest
against the bombing he was bitter.” Mary McCarthy doubted the value of another
demonstration particularly during Christmas. She said the antiwar people were tired, alone and discouraged.

Among McCarthy’s handwritten list of notables to ask to go to Hanoi during bombings there had been no takers:
[Roger] Hilsman, Wald + Luris, Gene McCarthy, Ramsey Clark, F[rances]
Fitzgerald, Norman Mailer, Francine Gray, Tom Wicker, Francis Plympton, Tom
Finletter, Bishop Moore, John Kerry, McGovern, Father Hesburg, Abraham Herchel,
Waldheim, Mayor Lindsey, Al Lowenstein, Rene Dubos, James Baldwin, Roy Wilkins,
Coretta King, Gary Wills, Margaret Mead, Robert Lowell, James Jones, Wm.
Styron, John Knowles, Andrew Young, Ron Dellums, Arthur Schlesinger, Bennington Moore.[50]

Maybe Vietnam twasn’t radical chic any more.

The Christmas bombings had all but won the war
and the gas had run out of the antiwar movement. Or so it seemed.

The Christmas bombings of Hanoi in December 1972 had outraged Hanoi, the American press and
Hanoi’s allies on the Second Front in the USA, a “peace” movement largely
seeking a Viet Cong victory. That December the U.S. opportunity to negotiate
from a position of strength had never been better. The enemy’s will and
capability to wage war had been challenged as never before.

Yet Henry Kissinger would negotiate a betrayal of South Vietnam and a “bugout” and declare it peace. John
Negroponte, a member of the Kissinger negotiating team later said, “We bombed them into accepting our compromises.”

The antiwar movement’s influence on domestic politics, specifically upon Congress, provided an
explanation for this strange surrender moments before a final victory seemed in clear sight.

“One With You in Struggle,” Tom and Jane Tell Communists

In December 1972, “I’m Viet Cong” Tom Hayden, founder of Students for a Democratic Society, frequent flyer to Hanoi
and its messenger to the antiwar movement, was in Norway with actress Jane
Fonda, notorious propagandist for Hanoi and patron of both Vietnam Veterans
Against the War and John Kerry’s “Winter Soldier” charges of U.S. war crimes. Fonda was filming
“A Doll House”[1] for “progressive Marxist” Robert Losey.

Hayden and Fonda learned of the December bombings
of Hanoi and the port of Haiphong in a theatre in Paris. They marched off to
the Vietnamese mission to see some old friends, Nguyen Minh Vy and Madame
Nguyen Thi Binh, to ask them what to do. Jane flew to a Stockholm rally to denounce the “escalation of killing.”

Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda telegraphed North Vietnam.  On December 26, 1972, Radio
Hanoi broadcast the text of the Hayden-Fonda message to Hanoi:

“HAYDEN-FONDA MESSAGE–here is a message from Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden to the Vietnamese
people: [Word indistinct] Vietnamese will long live in people’s memory.  Defeat of B-52’s shows that our spirit and
resistance is stronger than technological power of any kind. We are one with you in struggle.  There will come [words
indistinct].  We are organizing international campaign for Nixon to sign the [“Hanoi-NLF”] agreement.”

Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden.[2]

In an Indochina Peace Campaign, IPC, brochure, Tom and Jane joined a broad coalition of
pro-Hanoi antiwar groups in escalating their claims of genocide in South Vietnam from four million[3]
to “six million.” After the widely described horrendous Christmas
bombings, Hanoi, despite the urging of Americans “peace” activists housed in
the luxurious French colonial Metropole hotel, curiously made no official
claims of genocide in the Hanoi bombings. Hanoi alleged only 1,600 dead in the
“carpet bombing” of a city of a million people. A real carpet-bombing of Tokyo in WWII took 85,000 souls.

1972 had closed with Fonda and Hayden telling fellow Americans they wanted to defeat the U.S.
forces– proclaiming their desire for a Communist victory. Though an American
peace would soon be at hand with North Vietnam, Tom and Jane, joined by many
other individuals and groups, would continue through the next two and a half
years to work tirelessly for a North Vietnamese Communist victory over the people of South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos.

Among those Hanoi front groups on the Viet Cong team after the Paris Peace Accords were: America Friends Service Committee, AFSC/NARMIC,
Clergy And Laity Concerned, Women Strike for Peace, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, War Resisters
League, Vietnam Veterans Against the War, People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice, Fellowship of Reconciliation, SANE, Episcopal Peace Fellowship,
Medical Aid for Indochina, Indochina Resource Center, Don Luce’s Indochina Mobile [tiger cage] Education Project, church affiliated International
Committee to Free South Vietnamese Prisoners from Detention, Torture and Death[4].

There was the small, but more than symbolic Union of Vietnamese
in the U.S.A.[5] which attributed “the historic victory of our Vietnamese nation” to the wise and clear sighted leadership of the party Central Committee.”[6]

The Union was a front for Hanoi intelligence and influence operations in the USA.

Hanoi’s American operation included Nguyen Thi Ngoc Thoa in Washington, D.C.,  Nguyen Van Luy in SanFrancisco and later Dinh
Ba Chi in New York at the United Nations.[1] Both Luy and Thoa were active in the American antiwar movement, in Berkeley and in Hayden-Fonda’s IPC respectively.

Hanoi would be forever appreciative of the anti-war movement as revealed in annual public
statements on the April 30 anniversary dates and in displays in its many war museums.
Major Thomas Bibby writes;
“The outrageous reports of indiscriminate U.S. bombings of North Vietnam in December 1972 by the Western
news media were extremely successful in substantially hardening public and
Congressional opinions against continued American involvement in the war and
forcing the Nixon Administration to stop the bombing.”
In halting the bombing when it did, the U.S. failed to destroy North Vietnam’s war sustaining capabilities just at
the most opportune moment when Hanoi’s air defenses[7] were almost completely annihilated and U.S. aircraft could have virtually
roamed free over the skies of North Vietnam.[8]
It had been quite a turn around from communists’ military losses on the battlefields and loss of
popular support in the hamlets and villages of South Vietnam. Anticipating a
final defeat by the end of 1972, some 40,000 North Vietnamese soldiers had deserted to the South.[9]
The antiwar movement had helped mightily in translating the 1972 battlefield
defeats into a political victory in the USA.


[1] Yung Krall, A Thousand Tears Falling.

[1] FBI, Acting Director to President, COLIFAM, internal Security-Revolutionary Activities, 6:05AM December
12, 1972

[2] FBI, New York to Acting Director, COLIFAM, IS-RA, TELETYPE, 1125 PM December 13, 1972.
[3] Bruce Herschensohn, An American Amnesia: How the U.S. Congress Forced the Surrenders of South Vietnam  and Cambodia, New York: Beaufort Books,
2010, 9-10.

[4] Bruce Herschensohn, An American Amnesia: How the U.S. Congress Forced the Surrenders of South Vietnam  and Cambodia, New York: Beaufort Books, 2010, 6.

[5] Joan Baez, And a Song to Sing With, New York: Plume Trademark, 1987,
201-202 209-210, 218 cited on December 25, 2004 at
thecommonills.blogspot.com/2004/12where-are-you-now-my-son.html.

[6] Larry Berman, No Peace, No Honor, 215.

[7] Fourth Estate (University of Colorado), February 20, 1973 cited in FBI, Denver, Memo, “VVAW,
Appearance of Barry Romo, National Coordinator, in Colorado, February 15-16,
1973,” Denver, February 27, 1973; FBI, Legat Rome to Acting Director, VVAW,
IS-RA, Hilev, TELETYPE 4:30 PM January 30, 1973.

[8] Truong Nhu Tang cited in Larry Berman, No Peace, No Honor, 216.

[9] Karl J. Eschmann, Linebacker: The Untold Story of the Air Raids Over North Vietnam, New York: Ivy Books, 1989, 179N22.

[10] Jim & Sybil Stockdale, In Love and War
(Annapolis: United States Naval Institute Press, 1984, 432 (emphasis added).

[11] Michael O’Connor, September 30, 2008.

[12] Eschmann, 236-237.

[13] Denver Post, February 18, 1973, cited in FBI, Denver, Memo, “VVAW, Appearance of Barry Romo,
National Coordinator, in Colorado, February 15-16, 1973,” Denver, February 27,
1973; VVAW newsletter, (n.d.), 3; San Francisco Chronicle, December 22, 1972,and January 2, 1973.

[14] “Akahata Interviews U.S. Singer in Hanoi,” Akahata, Tokyo, December 24, 1972 cited in Rothrock, Divided
We Fall
, 169n26.

[15] Eschmann, 202-203.

[16] FBI, Legat Rome to Acting Director, VVAW, IS-RA, Hilev, TELETYPE 4:30 PM January 30, 1973.

[17] Eschmann, 74-5 cites: W. Hays Parks, “Line Backer and the Law of War,” Air University
Review
, Vol. 34, No. 2, (January-February 1983), 18.

[18] Eschmann, 80 N 27 cites: Brig. Gen. James R. McCarthy, Et Al, U.S.A.F., Linebacker II,
Airpower Research Institute, Maxwell AFB, Al, 1979, 46-47.

[19] Bruce Herschensohn, An American Amnesia: How the U.S. Congress Forced the Surrenders of
South Vietnam  and Cambodia
, New York: Beaufort Books, 2010, 8-9.

[20] Eschmann, 202-203.

[21] Bruce Herschensohn, An American Amnesia: How the U.S. Congress Forced the Surrenders
of South Vietnam  and Cambodia, New York: Beaufort Books, 2010, 9.

[22] Photo with caption at “Hanoi Hilton” museum, author’s Viet I 226.

[23] Indo. Chron. Vol. VI, No. 4 (October-December 1987, 19 cites “Aerial Dien Bien Phu
Victory”, Radio Hanoi, December 18, 1987, FBIS-EAS 87-247; and Gen. Tran Nhan in Nhan Dan December 17, 1987.

[24] Stanley Karnow, 668 in Rothrock, Divided… v

[25] FBI, Los Angeles to Acting Director, 4:00 PM NITEL, December 24, 1972.

[26] Louis Wiesner, Victims and Survivors: Displaced Persons and Other War Victims in Viet-Nam, 1954-1975 (New
York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 229, cited in Mark Moyar, “VILLAGER ATTITUDES
DURING THE FINAL DECADE OF THE VIETNAM WAR, 1996 Vietnam Symposium, “After
the Cold War: Reassessing Vietnam,”18-20 April 1996, http://www.vietnam.ttu.edu/vietnamcenter/events/1996_Symposium/96papers/moyar.htm

[27] Lt.-Gen. Lam Quang Thi, ARVN), THE VIET NAM WAR REVISITED: A VIEW FROM THE OTHER SIDE OF THE STORY
quotes from Henry Kissinger, the Whitehouse Years.

[28] Mary McCarthy, The Seventeenth Degree:  How It Went, Vietnam, Hanoi, Medina, Sons of the Morning, New York:
Harcourt Brace, 1967, 1968, 1972, 1973, 1974, 9.

[29] Christopher Goffard, “New batch of Nixon tapes released,” Los Angeles Times, June 24, 2009.

[30] Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: A History, 653

[31] San Francisco Chronicle, December 22, 1972,and January 2, 1973.

[32] Parks, “Rolling Thunder and the Rule of Law,” 10, 23, 26.

[33] John Morocco, Rain of Fire, Boston: Boston Publishing Co., 1985, 157.

[34] Eschmann, 29 N 59 cites USAF, AIROPS, Top Secret, 148. See also: Eschmann, 23.

[35]Wayne Thompson, To Hanoi and Back: The US Air Force and North Vietnam,
1966-1973,
Washington DC.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 2002, 262; John
Hubbell, POW, 592-3; James Banerian and the Vietnamese Community Action
Committee, Losers Are Pirates: A Close Look at the PBS Series “Vietnam: A
Television History,”
Phoenix: Tieng Me Publications, 1984, 227.

[36] Eschmann, 143-145, N 33-36.

[37] New Bach Mai Hospital “Destroyed,” December 22, 1972, author’s Viet I DSC_ 230
displayed at Hanoi Hilton, in Hanoi. Actual photo shows corner of hospital,
left front, destroyed and a big bomb crater nearby.

[38] Bach Mai heavily “damaged” December 22, 1972, author’s Viet II DSC_ 274-77 captions and photos displayed
Saigon, Remnants Museum.

[40] Author’s Viet I DSC_ 246-256 Today’s Bach Mai Hospital.

[41] W. Hays Parks, “Linebacker and the Law of War,” Air University Review,
January-February 1983 at airpower.maxwell /airchronicles/aureview/1983/jan-feb/parks.html

[42] At Hanoi Hilton museum in Hanoi, author’s Viet I DSC_231 and Viet II DSC_270-271 at Saigon’s War Remnants museum.

[43] Stanford Daily, January 15, 1973.

[44] Max Friedman, Council for Inter-American Security, study in lieu of testimony
to Chairman of House Ways and Means Committee, Lobbying and Political
Activities of Tax-Exempt Organizations, Hearings, subcommittee on Oversight,
March 12-13, 1987, 399 cites Rep. Larry McDonald,(D-Ga), Congressional
Record
, February 19, 1976, E 709-10 and July 5, 1977, E 4809-4810.

[45] Syracuse Peace Council, Peace Newsletter, April 1973, SPC [No.] 682,  1-2, 8-9, 12.

[46] FBI, Acting Director to President, COLIFAM, TELETYPE, 12:35AM January 2, 1973, 5.

[47] W. Hays Parks, “Linebacker and the Law of War,” Air University Review,
January-February 1983, note 53 at airpower.maxwell
/airchronicles/aureview/1983/jan-feb/parks.html

[48] Haldeman, Diaries…708.

[49] House, Hearings on Restraints on Travel to Hostile Areas: Hearings before the Committee on
Internal Security, 93rd Cong., 1st sess., 1973, 32-3 cited in Rothrock Divided… 197n14.

[50] Mary McCarthy, The Seventeenth Degree: How It Went, Vietnam, Hanoi, Medina, Sons of the Morning, New York:
Harcourt Brace, 1967, 1968, 1972, 1973, 1974, 54-58.

[1] Time, January 3, 1972,  67.

[2] Hanoi in English to American Servicemen involved in the Indochina War, 1300, GMT, 26 Dec. 72
B; “Hayden Detained,” The Washington Post, December 27, 1972, A-5.

[3] Los Angeles Times, August 3, 1972.

[4] The International Committee to Free South Vietnamese Prisoners from Detention,
Torture and Death was affiliated with AFSC, War Resisters League, Catholic
Peace Fellowship and Canadian Council of Churches. Sources: CCPF 1/13 folder,
Catholic Peace Fellowship Records, University of Notre Dame Archives; Ann
Buttrick Collection, University of Toronto Library; Records of War Resisters
League, box 25, Collection DG 040, Swarthmore College Peace Collection.

[5] IPC, “Indochina: A National Planning Conference, October 26-28, in a camp at
Germantown near Dayton, Ohio, initiated by the Indochina Peace Campaign,” n.d.,
[October 1973]; Tom Hayden, “Cutting Off Funding for War: the 1973 Indochina
Case,” Huffington Post, March 20, 2007 at huffingtonpost.com.

[6] Vietnam News Agency, VNA 14 Feb 73, K-16.

[7] “Not a single SAM was left”, Allan Goodman, Lost Peace, 161 cited in
James Banerian and the Vietnamese Community Action Committee, Losers Are Pirates:
A Close Look at the PBS Series “Vietnam: A Television History,”
Phoenix:
Tieng Me Publications, 1984, 226.

[8] Sir Robert Thompson, Peace Is Not At Hand, New York: David McKay, 1974, 135, cited in Thomas M. Bibby,
Major USAF, “Vietnam: The End, 1975” 1 April 1985 at global security.org See
also: Herz, Martin F. (Rider, Leslie, Assisted by). The Prestige Press and The
Christmas Bombing, 1972: Images and Reality in Vietnam, Ethics and Public
Policy Center; Washington, D. C.1980.

[9] John M. Del Vecchio, “Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam? The Importance of Story Individual and Cultural Effects of
Skewing the Realities of American Involvement in Southeast Asia for Social, Political and/or Economic Ends,” 1996 Vietnam
Symposium “After the Cold War: Reassessing Vietnam,” Texas Tech, 18-20 April 1996.

Categories
California Politics Comrades in Arms Songs

Song: Where Have All the Commies Gone

Parody of Pete Seeger’s “Where have all the flowers gone.” Copyright 2003 Roger Canfield

Where have all the commies gone?
Long time passing.
Where have all the commies  gone?
Long time ago.

Where have all the commies gone?
The liberals kissed them ev’ry one.
Oh, when will you ever learn?
Oh, when will you ever learn?

Where have all the liberals gone?
Long time passing.
Where have all the liberals gone?
Long time ago.

Where have all the liberals gone?
They’ve become progressives every one.
Oh, when will you ever learn?
Oh, when will you ever learn?

Where have all the progressives gone?
Long time passing.
Where have all the progressives gone?
Long time ago.

Where have all the progressives gone?
They’re all in camouflage.
Oh, when will you ever learn?
Oh, when will you ever learn?

Where have all the progressives gone?
Long time passing.
Where have all the progressives gone?
Long time ago.

Where have all the progressives gone?
They’ve gone to California every one.
Oh, when will they ever learn?
Oh, when will they ever learn?

Where has poor California gone?
Long time passing.
Where has California gone?
Long time ago.

Where have all the Californians gone?
They’re gone to Arizona, nearly every one.
Oh, when will they ever learn?
Oh, when will they ever learn?

Where have all the commies gone?
Long time passing.
Where have all the commies gone?
Long time ago.

Where have all the commies gone?
Universities hired them, every one.
Oh, when will we ever learn?
Oh, when will we ever learn?

Parody lyrics copyright 2003 Roger Canfield.